Showing posts with label Moreland Commission. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Moreland Commission. Show all posts

Tuesday, January 12, 2016

US Attorney Preet Bharara Decides Not To Indict NY State Governor Andrew Cuomo For Judicial Corruption

US Attorney Preet Bharara
No one is happy with Mr. Bharara's decision not to indict Governor Cuomo for closing down the Moreland Commission. no one.

Betsy Combier
Editor, New York Court Corruption

Bharara ends probe of Cuomo’s Moreland Commission shutdown

After more than 17 months, U.S. Attorney Preet Bharara has ended his investigation into Gov. Andrew Cuomo’s abrupt shuttering of a Moreland Commission probe in Albany.
In a statement, Bharara said that while the closing of the commission was “premature,” “absent any additional proof that may develop, there is insufficient evidence to prove a federal crime.”
“We continue to have active investigations related to substantive inquiries that were being conducted by the Moreland Commission at the time of its closure,” Bharara said.
The announcement, coming on the heels of a high-profile visit to discuss corruption issues with Kentucky lawmakers and the recent convictions of two of the state’s top legislative leaders, came seemingly without warning from Bharara’s office. The news effectively blows away a cloud of suspicion hanging over the state Capitol since Bharara’s office announced it was investigating the shutdown of the Moreland Commission in July, 2014.


Investigation Into Closing of N.Y.’s Moreland Commission Finds ‘Insufficient Evidence’ of Crime

Gov. Andrew Cuomo disbanded the anticorruption panel in 2014, although it hadn’t completed its investigations

ALBANY, N.Y.—A 20-month investigation into the Cuomo administration’s handling of an anticorruption commission found “insufficient evidence to prove a federal crime,” Manhattan U.S. Attorney Preet Bharara said Monday.
The determination, announced in a statement by the federal prosecutor, brings an end to an episode that has dogged Gov. Andrew Cuomo for nearly two years.
Mr. Bharara said the calculation had been made “after a thorough investigation of interference with the operation of the Moreland Commission and its premature closing.” Among other issues, the U.S. attorney’s office had been exploring whether actions taken by the governor’s office constituted witness tampering or obstruction of justice.
Elkan Abramowitz, an attorney for Mr. Cuomo and the executive chamber, said Monday “we were always confident there was no illegality here, and we appreciate the U.S. attorney clarifying this for the public record.”
Mr. Bharara’s statement was in part a response to speculation by lawmakers and the media about possible imminent charges against Mr. Cuomo in the Moreland matter, a person familiar with the matter said.
The Manhattan U.S. attorney’s office, however, has rarely issued such statements.
In November 2008, then-U.S. Attorney Michael Garcia said the office wouldn’t seek criminal charges against former New York Gov. Eliot Spitzer, who left office earlier that year amid a prostitution scandal.
Prosecutors’ decision to publicly absolve Mr. Cuomo concludes a chapter of his political career that threatened to overshadow much of his legislative work.
Mr. Cuomo, a Democrat, abruptly disbanded the anticorruption panel in April 2014, after nine months, in a deal with legislative leaders that resulted in additional ethics rules in Albany.
At the time, the commission hadn’t completed its investigations—its findings turned up evidence of criminal wrongdoing by at least 10 to 12 lawmakers, The Wall Street Journal reported—and Mr. Cuomo and his top aides had been accused of interfering in its efforts.
In the days following its disbanding, Mr. Bharara criticized the commission’s demise, saying it appeared as though “investigations potentially significant to the public interest have been bargained away.” He dispatched trucks to pick up investigative files from the commission so federal prosecutors could determine whether and how to pursue any matters that had been under examination.
His office quickly expanded its sights, issuing subpoenas to the state’s ethics-enforcement agency, the Joint Commission on Public Ethics, as well as to the Moreland’s former chief counsel, among others. It also instructed state legislators to preserve all records and documents related to the panel.
Over that summer, several of Mr. Cuomo’s highest ranking aides at the time, including then-Secretary to the Governor Larry Schwartz and Counsel Mylan Denerstein, spoke to federal investigators. Months later, investigators also interviewed Mr. Cuomo’s longtime political enforcer Joseph Percoco, according to people familiar with the matter.
Mr. Cuomo promised his office would cooperate with the investigation and defended the commission’s work, saying his aides offered advice to investigators but the panel operated with “total independence.”
Still, the matter became a significant political crisis for Mr. Cuomo, putting him on the defensive as he sought re-election and undermining claims he had made, even before he took office, that he would clean up Albany.
Meanwhile, the U.S. attorney’s other public-corruption prosecutions have prompted the ouster and conviction of two of the most powerful men in state politics: one-time legislative leaders Sheldon Silver and Dean Skelos.
Those convictions have spurred Mr. Cuomo to declare that he will, once again, propose ethics overhauls in his State of the State address on Wednesday.
On Monday, Mr. Bharara added that his office is continuing to pursue investigations of Albany lawmakers that it launched as a result of the files it picked up when it took over the Moreland Commission’s work.
And despite a sense of relief regarding the end of the Moreland matter, Mr. Cuomo’s administration can’t close the book on Mr. Bharara’s probes quite yet: Federal prosecutors are investigating the bidding process in an upstate revitalization projectchampioned by the governor.


Friday, July 25, 2014

Corruption By Cuomo: Spiralling Out Of His Control

From Betsy Combier:

Why would anyone in NY State want this man to be re-elected Governor? Let's hope the fix is not in yet.

Betsy

A situation Cuomo can’t control anymore

By Blake Zeff 5:34 a.m. | Jul. 25, 2014
The New York Times A-1 blockbuster that Andrew Cuomo’s team was dreading finally landed on Wednesday, and it wasn’t pretty. It painted a picture of the governor’s dealings—including allegations his administration quashed an anti-corruption panel’s subpoenas to his allies—that even his supporters privately admit doesn’t look so hot. 
And with a primary and general re-election campaign and an investigation by the U.S. attorney all looming, this saga has only just begun.  
The question now is: How will all this play out for the governor, in terms of both the politics and the law?
On the former, the first place to look is the governor’s response. You can always get a sense of how fearful of a breaking story a politician is by his public schedule immediately afterward. 
In this case, Cuomo was slated to appear at the Bronx County Democratic dinner on Wednesday night. But, an insider tells Capital, he quietly backed out in an effort to avoid public attention. Similarly, the source says the governor—who is sitting on a massive campaign warchest and an insurmoutable-looking lead in the polls—had planned events for Thursday, but they, too, were removed before a public schedule went out. (Could we hear from Cuomo today? It would be less surprising, as he knows that comments made on a Friday end up in less-well-read Saturday editions of the paper.)
Another intriguing element of Cuomo’s reaction is the 13-page statement his team provided theTimes in response to its questions. One particularly memorable passage began like this (with emphasis added): "The Governor claimed the Commission ultimately had independent investigative authority through the Co-chairs. The Governor did not and could not mean that the Commission as an entity was legally independent from him."
It’s not every day that your own defense characterizes your public statements as mere "claims" which it then sets out to debunk immediately afterwards. But such is the spot Cuomo is in.
A key issue is whether in fact the Moreland Commission appointed by Cuomo to investigate public corruption was a mere instrument of the governor—with which he could do whatever he pleased—or an independent entity.
When the commission was announced, of course, the governor had publicly trumpeted its independence.  As the Times notes, Cuomo said upon its launch that it would be "totally independent," adding in August that "anything they want to look at, they can look at—me, the lieutenant governor, the attorney general, the comptroller, any senator, any assemblyman."  
But when allegations of interference by Team Cuomo first surfaced earlier this year, the governor’s characterization of the commission changed. Now his contention was that he couldn’t possibly "interfere" with any investigations because the commission was in fact not independent, but controlled by him.  
"It’s not a legal question," he told the Crain’s editorial board back in April. "It’s my commission. My subpoena power, my Moreland Commission (see picture from the Broadway Show - oops, from the Commission, below - Editor). I can appoint it, I can disband it. I appoint you, I can un-appoint you tomorrow… So, interference? It’s my commission. I can’t 'interfere' with it, because it is mine. It is controlled by me."
Leaders of the Moreland Commission, front row, from left: Kathleen M. Rice, Milton L. Williams Jr. and
William J. Fitzpatrick, the panel's co-chairs, and Regina M. Calcaterra, its executive director. Credit 
           Michael Nagle  for The New York Times        
 
That was a few months ago. In the lengthy statement to the Times Wednesday, still another shift in the characterization of the commission was detectable. Not only was this no longer an independent commission, but now Team Cuomo added that the Moreland Commission couldn’t possibly investigate Cuomo’s dealings because "it would have been a major problem, " claiming that "a commission appointed by and staffed by the executive cannot investigate the executive."
To do so, Cuomo’s team added, would constitute "a pure conflict of interest and would not pass the laugh test."
If that’s true, someone better tell Mario Cuomo.  
Back in 1987, a spate of ethics scandals led the first Governor Cuomo to appoint a Moreland Commission of his own, which he called the New York State Commission on Government Integrity, but later came to be known as the Feerick commission (after the Fordham law dean who chaired it). As Jerry Goldfeder and Myrna Perez noted in theNew York Law Journal:
"The Feerick commission could and did subpoena witnesses; it held public hearings throughout the state; and issued 20 reports prior to its final set of recommendations. Looking to have as broad an impact as possible, the seven-person panel tackled a wide swath of issues. These included campaign finance reform; election of judges; fairer personnel practices; liberalized ballot access rules; neutral contracting procedures; protection for whistleblowers; and forfeitures of pensions."
It also did something else: "After a 40-month, comprehensive and thorough investigation, including scrutiny of campaign finance filings of Cuomo and other statewide officials, a unanimous panel concluded in 1990 that New York’s campaign finance laws were a ‘disgrace and embarrassment’ and the state had ‘not yet demonstrated a real commitment to ethical reform in government.’"
In other words, a Moreland commission appointed by Mario Cuomo investigated the executive and lived to tell the tale. But don’t just take the Law Journal’s word for it.
"The rare appearance of a Governor before a commission looking into campaign financing had all the drama of a preseason game," the Times reported back in 1989 on the commission’s investigation of Albany fund-raising practices. "One item of evidence was a document with shorthand codes for lists of potential contributors drawn up by Mr. [Mario] Cuomo's chief fund-raising assistant, Lucille Falcone."
The commission would go on to castigate the elder Cuomo’s practices, with the AlbanyTimes Union reporting later in 1990 that "Gov. Mario M. Cuomo is still soliciting contributions of up to $25,000 and is well on his way to having a $10 million campaign kitty despite criticism of such fund-raising practices by the Cuomo-created State Commission on Government Integrity."
It appears the younger Cuomo’s story may need some tightening.  
But the most obvious source of potential harm to Cuomo’s political fortunes would be legal trouble. And here’s where key bits of the story have remained particularly elusive. However hypocritical and unseemly the behavior by the governor and aide Larry Schwartz may have been, there has been no serious explanation yet about how any of it was illegal. Legal experts differ on whether federal prosecution is even a possibility.
But as I’ve previously written on this site, U.S. Attorney Preet Bharara poses potential trouble here for Team Cuomo. He’s smart, politically experienced (he was a senior Capitol Hill aide with me a decade ago), and will not be intimidated by the moment, or by the governor. If the results of his investigation into the disbanding of Moreland suggest that there’s a prosecution to be done, he’ll do it.  
In one sense, it would be a stretch: The commission was a state entity, and Bharara’s job is to prosecute federal crimes. He won’t want to stretch and lose.
But while a person typically can’t be charged with federal obstruction of justice for interfering with a state entity, a determined prosecutor could make an argument that the federal rule applies here. 
The federal witness-tampering statute (18 U.S. code 1512), for example, applies to "[w]hoever knowingly uses intimidation, threatens, or corruptly persuades another person, or attempts to do so, or engages in misleading conduct toward another person, with intent to … influence, delay, or prevent the testimony of any person in an official proceeding" or "cause or induce any person to—"
(A) withhold testimony, or withhold a record, document, or other object, from an official proceeding;
(B) alter, destroy, mutilate, or conceal an object with intent to impair the object’s integrity or availability for use in an official proceeding;
(C) evade legal process summoning that person to appear as a witness, or to produce a record, document, or other object, in an official proceeding; or
(D) be absent from an official proceeding to which such person has been summoned by legal process …
The "official proceeding" language here refers to a federal proceeding. But if any of the entities the Cuomo administration reportedly shielded from the Moreland commission’s questions are under investigation by or of interest to any federal office, it could theoretically provide an opening for the U.S. attorney.
That's far from a slam dunk. But the very threat of such legal action could be enough to get people at the bottom and middle of the chain to share what they know, so prosecutors can work their way up.  
Bharara may have already offered clues to his intentions.
If a prosecutor is laying the groundwork for possible action, the first step would be to get all relevant Moreland Commission documents (and based on those, see what others are needed), which Bharara has done. Once all the documents are collected, the prosecutor’s office would start at the bottom of the chain, perhaps with an assistant to the commission’s executive director—which Bharara has also just done.  (Regina Calcaterra’s assistant Heather Green was subpoenaed and will appear before a grand jury on Monday.)
Lower-level witnesses like Green would be asked to provide any information they might have, including communications, whether they remember any meetings between major players at specific times. The information gleaned would then be waved at players up the chain in an effort to get them to talk, and implicate bigger fish. Obvious subsequent steps would include going to Calcaterra and Schwartz, with the ultimate goal being to nail the most senior target possible.
Depending on the severity of their potential charges, ability to cooperate and relevant knowledge, they could get immunity or a potential reduced sentence to help nab a bigger player.   
Of course, the prosecutor could determine there’s not enough to proceed, and, in what would be a best-case scenario for the governor, dissolve the investigation entirely. Another, middle-ground scenario would be the issuance of a grand jury report (a highly unusual occurrence) that lays out for the public an excoriation of the conduct as reprehensible but not criminal.
Whatever happens, one thing is clear: Unlike the Moreland commission’s work, the outcome of Bharara’s investigation is out of Cuomo's hands.

Saturday, November 23, 2013

The Moreland Commission Exposed



By Will Galison

Introduction: TheCommission to Investigate Public Corruption has been tasked with exposing, investigating and prosecuting corruption in every branch and at every level of New York's Government. But it is evident that it is using its vast powers to pursue only selected political “targets”, while taking extraordinary (and illegal) measures to protect other wrongdoers from prosecution; particularly those with personal, professional and political ties to the Commission and it's founders, Governor Cuomo and Attorney General Eric Schneiderman. To these ends, the Commission is employing three basic strategies:

1) Illegally limiting the scope of their investigation to the issue of Election Law, at the expense of all other matters of public corruption

2) Illegally banning the public from testifying about matters of public corruption other than election fraud- by banning public testimony completely.
3) Illegally altering and suppressing the official record of existent public testimony, so as to remove references of corruption by favored parties and institutions.

Part one of this series will address the last of these strategies, the “sanitization” and suppression of testimony submitted by public witnesses at the Commission's public hearing of September 17th 2013.

(Editors Note: On 10/3013 and again on 11/21/13, the Moreland Commission was asked to explain and correct  the alterations of the transcript as described below.  They have declined to respond)

Part 1:  How Governor Cuomo’s Moreland Commission to Investigate Public Corruption, illegally  tampered with witness testimony transcripts to protect their friends, colleagues, employers and themselves from criminal prosecution.

It’s About Trust”

When New York State Governor Andrew Cuomo announced the creation of the “Commission To Investigate Public Corruption” (aka “The Moreland Commission”) last July, he summed up his motivation succinctly: “it’s about trust… its about people’s trust of government… we want to restore the trust”.

The Commission was Governor Cuomo's direct response to the legislature’s rejection of his anti-corruption “Clean Up Albany” bill, and he vowed that it would be even tougher than the bill in routing out corruption in every corner of New York Government:
I said to the legislature right up front... if you don't pass the Clean up Albany legislation...I'm going to appoint a Moreland Commission… and THEY are going to clean up Albany”

Government Corruption a “Double Crime”

Governor Cuomo also spoke of his particular disgust with crimes involving public corruption, even in comparison to other crimes. public corruption is a double crime. Its the underlying crime and then it's the crime of breaching the public trust, because when you're an elected official…you say trust me, I'm here to serve you... so breaching that trust violating that trust to me is a separate and inexcusable offense.

Finally, the Governor stressed that the sterling integrity and efficacy of the Commission members would be a shining example to the public and politicians alike. As he spoke, the official motto of the Commission was emblazoned on an enormous banner behind him: “Restoring Public Trust in Government”:
[the Commission will vindicate good elected officials to the extent that they are now being tarnished by the implication of the wrongdoing of the few… I believe there has never been a more credible group of law enforcement officials assembled in this state.”

 “The Best and the Brightest”

Governor Cuomo could not have been more effusive in his praise of the Commission members; “I’m going to put together a group of the best and brightest law enforcements officials you have ever seen assembled, period, in the state of New York. “The blue ribbon commission …the all  stars,… a roster of who’s who in the law enforcement community. … If this government has something to hide this group of people is going to find it and they're going to expose it and that's what this is all about”. These are the “Untouchables” of the New York Law Enforcement, and their integrity, perceived and actual, is the cornerstone of Cuomo's plan to clean up NY Government.

The Role of the “Public” in the “Public Hearings”

One aspect of the hearings that Governor Cuomo did not address in his speeches introducing the Commission was the role of witnesses from the public, but that role is clearly stated in paragraph IX of his executive order106 that created the Commission: “The Commission shall conduct public hearings around the State to provide opportunities for members of the public and interested parties to comment on the issues within the scope of its work.”

 

At the first public hearing on Sept 17, 2013 Commission Chairman Fitzpatrick also emphasized the importance of input from the public hearings in his speech. “our first task is to issue a report on or about December first of this year...and the gist of this hearing today is to assist us in drafting and eventually writing that report”

The Attempt to Bar the “Public” From the “Public Hearing” of September 17th, 2013.


In practice, however, the public's role in the hearings, appeared to be a low priority to the Commission. The Commission made no effort to announce the hearings through media,  and news venues such as WNYC, New York One, and the Post, News, Times and Voice all failed to mention them in advance. The Commission's website itself didn't even set up an RSVP system for registrants until nearly a week before the first hearing.
 
Despite the media blackout, however, word spread among the community of corruption victims who had been denied redress by existing oversight agencies for years. Many heard about the hearings through
The Center for Judicial Accountability, which notified its list of members and followers. When the first Commission hearing was held on September 17th about a hundred people gathered at the entrance of Pace University to testify.


The excitement was palpable among the crowd that waited patiently behind police barricades before the opening of the hearings at 6:00 PM. But at about 5:45, Commission staffer Heather Green walked along the barricade with a clipboard in her hand. She asked the witnesses their names, glanced at her clipboard, then shook her head and told them,“I’m sorry, you’re not on the list”.  No explanation was given as to why dozens of people who had registered were “not on the list”, and the frustration of the witnesses gave way to anger and some near-altercations. Ominously, dozens of  NYPD officers were gathered at the scene, suggesting that the Commission expected public outrage at being excluded from the “public hearing”.

 

Ultimately, of the over one hundred witnesses that had gathered outside Pace University, fewer than 20 were allowed into hearing, and only 16 were ultimately allowed to testify. The majority of the seats in the patently undersized hearing room were filled by reporters, and the security details and staff of the invited speakers, who included Preet Bharara, Loretta Lynch and Cy Vance. When, after speaking, those luminaries left the room with their entourages, plenty of seats became available, but by that point the excluded witnesses waiting outside had long since given up and gone home.

The Politicians Speak; the Public Listens


Chairman William Fitzpatrick opened the hearing by lauding the credentials of each of the 25 Commissioners, followed by his statement of the Commission’s intent: “The public frustration and anger with corruption has reached the breaking point… We fully intend to complete [Cuomo’s] vision of restoring the trust of the people in its own government”, he declared.  Fitzpatrick’s rambling presentation was followed by equally longwinded speeches by Vance, Bharara and other invitees.

The “Public” Speaks Truth to Power


After the politicians had “run the clock” for over two hours, the members of the public were finally allowed to speak, but were granted a mere three minutes each to testify.  If the Commission strove to limit the public's participation because they feared it could expose corruption among their peers, their fears were well founded.  The witnesses named names, and cited specific cases of government corruption that had devastated their lives, and for which they could find no redress from any existing oversight agencies in New York State. To the Commission's obvious displeasure, nearly all of the witnesses complained of systemic  corruption in the Judiciary; the branch of Government that Attorney General Schneiderman claimed could “police itself”. Some complaints also implicated the architects of the Commission itself, Governor Cuomo, and AG Schneiderman:


Elena Sassower spoke of a pending lawsuit against NY State charging that the recent pay raises for Judges (and District Attorneys) were illegal and unconstitutional and naming Cuomo, Schniederman and Chef Judge Jonathan Lippman as defendants, among others . She also criticized the Commission for allowing conflicts of interest among its members.

Margarita Walters detailed how she lost custody of her only child and all of her assets through “a pretextual conspiratorial scheme of case fixing in the New York Court System”. She explained that she had taken her case to every appropriate authority, including Chief Judge Jonathan Lippman,  the Commission on Judicial Conduct, Governor Cuomo and Eric Schneiderman.

This writer, Will Galison, presented
evidence of corruption in the nomination and confirmation of Chief Judge Jonathan Lippman, including a recording of Judicial Nomination Commissioner Fred Brewington stating that he had “shredded” evidence submitted to the JNC. I also spoke of the coverup, by the NYPD and others of the murder of anti- corruption whistleblower Sunny Sheu. 


Several witnesses also submitted copious written documentation in support of their complaints. Ms Sassower submitted a stack of legal briefs seven inches high, documenting the Center for Judicial Accountability’s
lawsuit against Cuomo, Schneiderman and Lippman among others. I submitted the complaint against Chief Judge Jonathan Lippman filed with Preet Bharara, and the letter to Ray Kelly demanding an investigation into the death Sunny Sheu, neither of which had been responded to.

 

The Commission “Disappears” The Public's Written Testimony and Evidence

The Moreland Commission’s website, in it’s “Public Comments/ Testimony section, originally included the statement: “All written testimony submitted will be included on the record of the proceedings”, but immediately after the testimonies of September 17th, that extremely important provision has now been expunged from the website.

It was expunged presumably because it is being wantonly violated.  As of this writing, over two months after the hearing, not one word of the written testimony has yet been published. Effectively, all the written testimony and evidence that was submitted to the Commission is being withheld from the public. Is it part of some “secret record” for Commission eyes only? Will it be presented to Governor Cuomo and AG Schneiderman, or withheld from them as well? Or has it simply been shredded, like the JNC's evidence against Jonathan Lippman?

The only “record of the proceedings” available the public is the stenographic transcript of the public hearings.

           

The Commission Alters the Record.

 

The collection and suppression of the public's written testimony and evidence is violative of the Commission's mandate and would appear to constitute a deliberate cover-up of the crimes and corruption reported in those documents.


But even more sinister and illegal is the Moreland Commission's alteration of the transcript of the September 17th hearing, to reflect what they want it to say, rather than what the stenographer actually recorded in her notes. Moreover, the Commission posted the altered transcript on the website and misrepresented it as an unaltered transcript, inckuding this signed certification attached by the stenographer, Stefanie Krut, of Precise Court Reporting:

CERTIFICATION; I, STEFANIE KRUT, a Notary Public in and for the State of New York, do hereby certify: THAT the foregoing is a true and accurate transcript of my stenographic notes.

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this 30th day of

September 2013.

Stefanie Krut

--------------------------------- STEFANIE KRUT, PRECISE COURT REPORTING



Is Stephanie Krut The Worst Stenographer in the World? ...

In the transcript of the witness’s testimony, the sheer number of errors- including misspellings and omissions of key names and institutions - is shocking. But more alarming is the apparently deliberate pattern underlying the errors. Virtually all of the misspelled names of people and institutions associated with complaints against the judiciary, and many were of people with known ties to the Commission. For example:

 

    Chief Judge “Jonathan Lippman” is written “Jonathan Littman13 times, omitted 2 twice and never once spelled correctly.

 

    NY Administrative JudgeAnne T. Pfau”, is written: “Anne T. Fow”, twice

    Judge “Saralee Evans” is written: “Sarah Lee Evans

 

    Judge “Scarpino” is written: “Scarpiano

    Judge “Terrance McElrath” is written: “Terance Mukolrov

    Judge “Paula Hepner” is written: “Paula Hevner

    Attorney “Marc A Pergament” is written: “Marc A Pergamen

    Judge “Betty Elrin” (who is on the Commission) is spelled correctly in the Commissioner's portion and omitted in the Public portion.

    The “Judicial Nomination Committee” is written: “The Judicial Violations Committee

    The initials “JNC” are written: “JVC” three times

    The “Fund for Modern Courts” is written “The Funds for Modern Court”

    The “Committee on Judicial Conduct” is omitted twice.

    Judge “Jacqueline Silverman” is omitted

“CASE fixing” is written: “fixing”

    -And my name, “Galison”, is spelled “Galveston19 times, even though it was spoken nine times by the commissioners.


None of the proper names listed above (and many more) were ever spelled correctly in the transcript. It should be noted that despite
formal requests by several witnesses to correct the hundreds of errors in their respective portions of the transcript, the Commission has refused to make any corrections and has not responded to any of the witnesses.

 

… Or a “Spelling Savant”?

 

As stunning as are the number and nature of “errors”in the transcript of the public's testimony, even more incredible is the accuracy of the transcript of the testimony of the Commission members and invited guest speakers, including US Attorney Preet Bharara and District Attorney Cyrus Vance Jr.

Whereas there are over 70 errors in the 122 lines of transcription of
my testimony, there are only five in the 152 lines of Mr. Bharara’s testimony.  In the nearly 500 lines of testimony of Chairman Fitzpatrick, there are zero substantive errors.

If the transcript was not altered, Ms. Krut is a speller with a nearly paranormal ability to discern between the various spelling of names that sound identical. For example,  

-Ms. Krut recorded the name of the law firm
Vladeck, Waldman, Elias and Engelhard with perfect spelling, despite the rare variations in the names’ spelling. According to a search the Whitepages.com website, there are at least four different spellings of the name pronounced “vladuk” and the chance of it being spelled “Vladeck” spelling is about one in ten.


-The name “Engelhard” is seven times less common than its homonym “Engelhardt”, but Ms Krut made the distinction.

-The name that sounds like “Chamberlain” in the video is 20 times more likely to be spelled “Chamberlain” than “Chamberland”, but Ms. Krut nailed it.

 

- The name “Deringer”, as in “Freshfields, Bruckhaus & Deringer”, is three times more likely to be spelled with two “r”s than one, but Ms. Krut can apparently hear the difference.

In fact, Ms. Krut spelled perfectly every single proper name - approximately 50 different ones - uttered by Mr. Fitzpatrick in his introduction.


But does the discrepancy between the impeccable accuracy of the transcript of the government officials testimony and the butchering of the public witness’s testimony conclusively prove that the transcript was altered? Could it not be that after two and a half hours of carefully recording the politician’s speeches, the Stenographer suddenly became too exhausted to accurately transcribe? 
If true, the allegation that Commission tampered with the transcripts would mean that the “most credible, blue ribbon, who's who of New York law enforcement” is itself guilty of corruption, crimes and conspiracy. As Carl Sagan put it; “extraordinary claims require extraordinary evidence” Is there proof?


The Smoking Gun

As it turns out, there is at least one feature of the transcript that proves beyond doubt that the transcript was altered after the stenographic notes were taken at the hearing. It occurred during Chairman Fitzgerald’s introduction of the Commission members and their accomplishments, as he introduced Commissioner Makau Mutua.

 

Here is what Fitzpatrick clearly says on the video at 7 minutes and 47 seconds:

Dean Makau Mutua is the Dean of the SUNY Buffalo Law School. He is also the SUNY Distinguished Professor and the Floyd Hilda Hurst Faculty Scholar at SUNY Buffalo. Dean Mutua came to us from Nairobi where he attended the University of

Dar-es-Salaam, and Nairobi's loss, believe me, was America's gain. He is also a graduate of Harvard Law School”.

The transcript is a subtly different however. At line 4 of page 7
Fitzpatrick states:

4
Dean Makau Mutua is the Dean of the SUNY Buffalo Law

5 School. He is also the SUNY Distinguished Professor and the

6 Hilda L. Hurst Faculty Scholar at SUNY Buffalo. Dean Mutua

7 came to us from Nairobi where he attended the University of

8 Dar-es-Salaam, and Nairobi's loss, believe me, was America's

9 gain. He is also a graduate of Harvard Law School.

Notice the differences? For one thing, Ms. Krut leaves out the name “Floyd”, from the phrase “Floyd and Hilda Hurst Faculty Scholar”- which is spoken on the video. Of course, even the best Stenographers occasionally miss a word or two, and the omission of “Floyd” from “Floyd Hilda Hurst” would seem like a trivial error.

But look closer. Ms. Krut also added something to the transcript that was not spoken by Fitzpatrick at all. The transcript says “Hilda L. Hurst”, and Fitzpatrick never uttered the initial “L” or anything that sounded like it.

Could Ms. Krut have heard, between Fitzgerald’s words “Hilda” and “Hurst”, some random noise in the room that sounded to her like an “L”? If she did, it would be one of the most amazing coincidences in history, because Dean Makuta is, in fact, the “Floyd H. and Hilda L. Hurst Faculty Scholar at SUNY Buffalo”.


A stenographer may omit and misspell words that are spoken at a tribunal, but she cannot record information that she has no way of knowing, if it is not spoken at all. There is no possible way that Ms. Krut could have heard and typed the initial “L” because it was never uttered at the hearing. The initial “L” must have been placed in the transcript after the hearing, and that seemingly trivial fact has enormous ramifications.

The Significance of the Alterations

First of all, alteration of the transcript from her original notes means that Ms. Krut’s “certification” is fraudulent;  the transcript is not a “true and accurate transcript of [Krut’s] stenographic notes”.  It also means that the transcript was altered after the hearing and before the Moreland Commission posted it as the official record of the September 17th hearing.

 

Could the transcripts have been altered legallyt? The protocol for making corrections in the transcript is strict and well established. If the entity that ordered the transcript (in this case the Moreland Commission) wants corrections made in the transcript, it must send the desired corrections to the stenographic company that reported the hearing. If there is an electronic record (audio or audiovisual) of the hearing, the original Stenographer will check the transcript against the record and if the correction is warranted, will add the corrections as an addendum.

 

But according to Florence Seth, the owner of Precise Court Reporting, the Moreland Commission never contacted Precise Court Reporting or Ms Krut to request any changes in the transcripts. Ms. Krut’s supervisor, Kelly Iacobella, emphatically confirmed this, saying: “I can tell you straight up that they have not”.

And according to Ms. Seth, the Commission could not have altered the transcript either legally or technically; “The Moreland Commission cannot change [the transcript] on their own…you just can’t change things like that, this is a legal document that’s already been established…they don’t have the software to change the transcript” she said.

Harriet Ben Erdelman, the President of the New York Association of Court Reporters (NYACR) concurred: “the Court Reporter shouldn't have put the initial [“L”] in if it wasn't said... she would have written whatever was said verbatim.. corrections would not have been made except through the agency... they could not have sent [the corrections]  directly to the stenographer”.


Because the transcript was never sent to Precise Court Reporters for corrections, and because the Commission does not have the software to alter the transcript, the only possible conclusion is that Ms. Krut created the transcript not solely from her stenographic notes, as affirmed in her oath of certification, but with input from an outside source, which is illegal; all without the knowledge or authorization of her supervisor and employer. To knowingly alter a transcript that will be used in an official procedure is not only a violation of Court Reporter’s ethics; it is a felony under
NY Penal Code S 215.35 and to sign a false certification is perjury.

 

Ms. Krut did not illegally alter the transcript because she was irresistibly compelled to include Hilda Hurst’s middle initial (which she could not have known even existed).  Clearly, Ms. Krut altered the transcript, and broke the law, because someone bribed, threatened or otherwise coerced her into doing it, and the only party with a motivation to do so was the Commissioner or Commissioners fastidious enough to pour over the transcript, discover the missing “L” and order it replaced. That same fastidiousness is evident in the precisely correct orthography of rare and alternatively spelled names like Beinecke, Chamberland, Vladeck and Deringer.

Why the Commission altered the Transcript Secretly and Illegally

The Commissioners could have corrected the spelling mistakes easily and legally by simply asking Precise Court Reporting to make the requested changes, so why didn't they do that way? Because if they admitted to reviewing and correcting the transcript legally, how could they then explain the dozens of errors in the Public testimony? How could they explain not noticing the misspelling of Chief Judge Lippman's name 13 times?

The Commission altered the transcripts secretly, illegally, and selectively, and that process allowed then to introduce other changes that might suit their agenda, and if discovered, attribute them to Ms. Krut’s exhaustion or incompetence. This fact could explain why virtually all of the misspellings and omissions in the transcript were of the names of the Commission's friends and associates who were implicated in public complaints.

Conflicts of Interest Among the Commissioners


The glaring conflicts of interests of the Commissioners are too numerous to address in this article and will be he subject of separate article, but several were directly addressed  in t
he Center for Judicial Accountability’s August 5th, 2013 letter to the Commission: The letter, which has never been responded to,  asks the Commission to identify it’s protocol for dealing with obvious and potential conflicts of interest of Commission members, special advisors, or staff:

 

[Commission staffers]  Kelly Donovan and John Amodeo are part of Attorney General Schneiderman's senior staff, are they not? How then will they be handling complaints against Attorney General Schneiderman and the Attorney General's office for corrupting their duty to safeguard government integrity and constitutional governance?”

To expand on that point, how will Commissioner Special Advisor Ray Kelly handle the complaints already submitted against corruption in the NYPD? How will Milton Williams handle the numerous complaints against his old friend Judge Lippman, who Williams’ “Fund For Modern Courts” effectively put Lippman into power?


Moreover, how would any of Commissioners, as deputized “Little Attorney Generals”, handle complaints against the man who convened the Commission in the first place, Andrew Cuomo? The fact that the Commissioners are being asked to investigate their friends, colleagues employers  (and potentially themselves) is the very kind of situation for which conflict of interest rules exist.

The Commission Must Act on Every Crime of Which it Obtains Evidence

But, according to ¶ IV of
Executive Order 106:If in the course of its inquiry the Commission obtains evidence of a violation of existing laws, such evidence shall promptly be communicated to the Office of the Attorney General and other appropriate law enforcement authorities, and the Commission shall take steps to facilitate jurisdictional referrals where appropriate.”

That includes violations of law by anyone; including friends, colleagues, employers, family and even fellow Commissioners.

Whistle-bower: ADA Mark Sacha Exposes Corruption in the Moreland Commission


In fact, it has already been proven that the Moreland Commission will violate its own rules to protect its friends and associates.  In his testimony at the September 24th hearing in Albany. Veteran Assistant DA Mark Sacha made allegations of criminal acts and corruption against one of the Commissioners; Frank Sedita III. Mr. Sasha had been fired after serving as Assistant District Attorney under 6 different DA's over 25 years, because, he alleges, he exposed egregious campaign corruption by Sedita. Did the Commission report Sedita to the proper authorities as mandated by ¶IV of Executive Order 106?

No. According to Mr. Sacha, not only was his September 24th testimony completely ignored-
his 8- page follow up letter to the Commission, which details and documents his complaint has also gone unanswered and unacknowledged for nearly two months.


And ominously if not surprisingly, it was immediately after Mr. Sasha's testimony that the Commission banned testimony from non-invited guests entirely and permanently.

The Moreland Commission Protocol on Conflicts of Interest


The Moreland Commission has refused to divulge its protocol involving matters of conflicts of interest. Center For Judicial Accountability's August 5th letter specifically requested this protocol, but has been ignored by the Commission. When this reporter asked Executive Director Regina Calcaterra about the issue, she directed a State Trooper to detain him while she fled in her car.

Whatever the Commission's protocol on conflicts of interest may be, they are certainly bound by Public Officer's law    : a Commissioner who is presented with evidence implicating his friend, colleague or employer, should disclose that potential conflict of interest and recuse himself from any investigation regarding anyone or any matter with which he has a relationship.  But that would require every member of the commission to recuse themselves regarding complaints against Schneiderman or Cuomo, and that might make things pretty complicated.

A much simpler solution is to change the names on the transcript, so that his friends are no longer even mentioned in the record.  He would want every mention of your favored government officials and favored institution’s names altered, so that they would not show up on an electronic search and were not part of the official record, and that is exactly what the transcript reflects.

A corrupt commission would ignore any requests to correct the obvious errors and omissions in the transcript, and that is exactly what the Commission has done.

 

A corrupt commission would also want to make the transcript so hard to find that nobody would ever know that you altered it, and that is exactly what the Commission has done. Nobody visiting the website of the Commission will find the transcript because there is no link to it.

A corrupt commission would also not respond to any emails or phone calls regarding the transcript or the procedures on conflict of interest. And that is exactly what the Commission has done.

It appears that the Commission's protocol for handling conflicts of interest is to illegally change th record so that their friends are not mentioned in it. How can they prosecute Chief Judge Jonathan “Littman” or Administrative Judge Anne “Fow”, when no such people exist? And how can they pursue a complaint by the mysterious Will Galveston, who also does not exist?

By Altering The Transcripts, Moreland Commissioners Committed Multiple Felonies

The alteration of the transcript is much more than a violation of Commission Rules; it may constitute commission of a number of of State and Federal felonies under state and federal law, including:


1) S 215.40  Tampering with physical evidence, both for the suppression of witness testimony and for the alteration of the transcript, which constitutes physical evidence under NY law.

2) S 215.00  Bribing a witness, for influencing Ms. Krut to alter the transcript.
3)
Federal law 18 U.S.C. § 2541 for conspiracy to deprive the rights of the witnesses for redress of grievances, among other things.
4)
Crimes under Color of Law, for all of the above in their official capacities as deputized Attorney Generals.
5)
NYS Public Officers law §74, for using his or her official position to secure unwarranted privileges or exemptions for himself or herself or others


Who is Guilty?

Certainly, any Commission members, advisors, or staff who were involved in the altering of the transcripts must be prosecuted by Federal law enforcement.

 

Stenographer Stefanie Krut is apparently also guilty of tampering with physical evidence, but could be given clemency for revealing who in the Commission requested the illegal changes, what changes were made, and who paid her for altering the transcript.

It is possible that not all of the Commission members, advisors and staff are complicit in the alteration of the transcripts. But according to section IV of Executive Order 106, every member of the Moreland Commission is compelled to report evidence of this crime to the appropriate authorities, and as this article is being sent to all of them at the time of publication, they will be aware of these crimes by the time you read these words. If they do not immediately communicate this evidence to the Office of the Attorney General and other appropriate law enforcement authorities”, including the Justice Department and the FBI, then they are as complicit and guilty as those that altered the transcript, and must be punished accordingly.

The Moreland Commission Is Not Merely a Sham; It is the Epitome of Corruption; a Disgrace and a Danger to the State of New York.

If, as Governor Cuomo claims to believe, official corruption is a “double crime” of particular heinousness, how can we describe the perversity of corruption in a Commission created for the sole purpose of fighting public corruption . Certainly it is a “triple crime”. It is the underlying, crime, the betrayal of the public trust, and ultimately the mechanism by which public corruption will be perpetuated and proliferated. Add to that the hypocrisy, the cynicism, and contempt for the rights and grievances of the New York citizenry, and it can be said that those Commissioners involved in this cover up are despicable criminals as any. If this group of felons represents, in Governor Cuomos' words, “
the best and brightest law enforcements officials you have ever seen assembled, period, in the state of New York”, we are in deep trouble.