Audit Faulted Cuomo's HUD Overhaul
By JACOB GERSHMAN, WSJ
LINK
Andrew Cuomo points to his time as Housing and Urban Development secretary as a prime example of how he's made government more efficient and effective. But federal auditors say Mr. Cuomo oversaw a "poorly planned" overhaul of personnel that bulked up HUD's public outreach but undermined the agency's enforcement efforts.
President Clinton nominated Andrew Cuomo to head HUD in 1996.
During the gubernatorial debate on Monday, Mr. Cuomo touted his four-year record at HUD, saying he "shrunk government" and promising to do the same in Albany if elected governor. "The question in this race is who can actually do it. Who can get it done," he said.
While the number of full-time employees at HUD declined under his watch, Mr. Cuomo also added hundreds of high-paid positions as part of his "Community Builders" program, which came under withering criticism from HUD's veteran field staffs, federal auditors, and Republican lawmakers in Washington.
"The concept was not unreasonable. But it was very poorly implemented and the consequences were pretty near disastrous," said Robert Paquin, a former regional director of Community Planning and Development in HUD's Boston office.
The idea behind the program was to split enforcement and customer relations into separate ranks of employees. Between 1997 and 1999, Mr. Cuomo recruited nearly 800 Community Builders, including hundreds of high-paid "fellows" who underwent training sessions at Harvard.
The Community Builders acted as liaisons to city officials and community groups and reported directly to HUD's headquarters in Washington.
"What the Peace Corps is to global development, what Americorps is to local empowerment, we hope Community Builders will be to urban renewal," Mr. Cuomo said when he announced the initiative.
Andrew Cuomo's Political Path
Over three decades, New York Attorney General and Democratic gubernatorial hopeful Andrew Cuomo has charted a careful course through local, state and national politics. Here's a look at his life and career.
In 1999, the program was the subject of a scathing audit report by the HUD Inspector General's office, which recommended that it be terminated.
Congress eliminated its funding that year, over the objections of several Democratic lawmakers, including Sen. John Kerry and now-Vice President Joe Biden.
The audit report said the hiring of the Community Builders skirted federal protocols, siphoned funds away from grant-monitoring activities and caused "significant morale problems" among some career civil servants, who bristled at the higher pay grades awarded to the new employees.
"HUD chose an overly expensive and controversial solution that exacerbated any existing problem," the audit said.
Mr. Cuomo and former aides at HUD said the allegations were unfounded, and fiercely defended the program. "The attacks on the Community Builders program were partisan in nature and wholly without merit," Howard Glaser, deputy general counsel under Mr. Cuomo at HUD, said Friday.
Mr. Glaser pointed to positive reviews of the program by consulting firms hired by HUD. Officials at the Inspector General's office said the other reviews did not contradict the office's claims, and noted that they relied on case studies pre-selected by HUD's senior management.
The Inspector General's audit report also claimed that senior officials under Mr. Cuomo sought to impede investigators examining the program and took the unusual step of asking the Inspector General's office for the names of HUD employees who spoke with auditors.
Several HUD employees "feared reprisal" and urged investigators to keep their communications confidential, according to the audit report.
Mr. Paquin, who was transferred to a lower-level position in 1999, returned to his old job years later after filing a complaint with the U.S. Office of Special Counsel alleging that his transfer was prompted by testimony he gave to the U.S. Government Accountability Office, which conducted a separate review of HUD's overall monitoring activities.
The Inspector General's report said HUD could not adequately justify the number of Community Builders hired nor their salaries, which in many cases were tens of thousands of dollars higher than the pay given to veteran civil servants who monitored HUD's grantees.
"HUD allocated a large amount of its resources to outreach and customer relations in the form of higher grades, travel and training funding, and personnel," the report stated.
More than half of the Community Builders interviewed by the auditors said they spent most of their time on public-relations activities.
"Considering that 228 Community Builders came from HUD's monitoring side, there is an appearance HUD favors the outreach and public relations over the monitoring and compliance function," the report said.
The Community Builders interviewed by the auditors lacked knowledge of HUD's grant programs, the report said, and in some cases improperly interfered with housing transactions between local officials and nonprofit groups, resulting in the loss of millions of taxpayer dollars.
HUD, in its response to the 1999 audit, said the report was "misleading" and denied that the agency had violated hiring protocol.
It noted that the program was widely praised by local officials and others interviewed by Ernst & Young, which was under contract with HUD to conduct an interim review.
The audit report faulted HUD for using the Community Builders to carry out a public-relations campaign on behalf of HUD when Congress threatened to slash the agency's budget. Senior officials directed the employees to reach out to local media and "arrange press conferences, conference calls, and telephone interviews," the audit said.
The Inspector General's report also said Mr. Cuomo's staff took unusual steps to hinder its review, stating that HUD senior management "told employees not to talk to us during our planning stage" and "circulated 'questions and answers' for employees to use when we interviewed them."
Investigators said senior HUD officials also asked the Inspector General's office to identify the HUD employees interviewed by auditors.
"When the request came in, everyone wondered why the department needed it. Why do they need to know who spoke with the auditors?" said a person who was with the Inspector General's office at the time.
Saul Ramirez, a deputy secretary under Mr. Cuomo, said the request for the names was "standard procedure" and intended to help headquarters organize the schedules of field staffers involved in the auditing process.
Write to Jacob Gershman at jacob.gershman@wsj.com
The information on this blog about the corruption in America's courts will disgust and frighten you and propel you into a world of racketeering, greed, larceny, malicious prosecution, and outrageous disdain for due process, the Rule of Law, the United States Constitution, the Bill of Rights and Professional Responsibility Standards, Rules and Statutes. This is the Unified Court System of New York State. You will be a victim unless you speak up and protest. by Betsy Combier

Tuesday, October 26, 2010
Monday, October 11, 2010
Andrew Cuomo and His Deadly Court Cartel
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Andrew Cuomo |
Posted on October 10, 2010 by Ron Moore
LINK
According to Libertarian Attorney General candidate Carl Person, Andrew Cuomo , as HUD Secretary helped to create the mortgage fraud and predictably has done nothing to stop banks from using false affadavits. Person says “Andrew Cuomo has a duty as NYS Attorney General to start lawsuits to stop Bank of America, JPMorgan Chase, GMAC, Countrywide, Wells Fargo and other lenders from using the New York courts to foreclose mortgages on homeowners in NYS.”
Person explained that “these banks and lending institutions have been filing false affidavits in New York foreclosure actions for several years and have been illegally obtaining judgments of foreclosure and illegally selling the homes of many tens of thousands of homeowner victims.” Presently, there are approximately 80,000 foreclosure cases in the New York courts, with more being filed every day.
“Cuomo is trying not to get involved”, said Person, “because he helped to create the mortgage fraud when he was Secretary of Housing and Urban Development (HUD).” Person also stated that “Cuomo should have recused himself and let someone else in his Office of New York State Attorney General be assigned the responsibility for ensuring that mortgage foreclosure fraud is stopped in NYS.”
Person went on to say that the banks, servicing companies, and other participants in the illegal activities should be penalized by not being able to use the New York courts to commence or pursue any foreclosure actions in New York State as to any residential mortgages, and that the banks should not be able to assign the residential mortgages to anyone else for the purpose of starting foreclosure proceedings in New York State.
What needs to be done, according to Person, “is to require the banks to enter into modification agreements with residential homeowners decreasing the monthly payment to the current low mortgage rate of 4.5% or so and decreasing the principal amount of the loan to 90% of the present value of the property.” As to each property for which this takes place, the bank would then be able to enforce the modified mortgage in the New York courts.
“Everyone can see that Cuomo is unable to serve honestly as New York State Attorney General, and this should disqualify him from becoming Governor of New York State,” according to Person.
Cuomo’s running mate for NYS Attorney General hasn’t done anything in Albany to stop the fraud, and can be expected to do nothing except benefit the banks.
Person said “If elected, I would commence the needed lawsuits to stop this devastating fraud on the NYS courts and homeowners.”
From Betsy Combier: If the banks dont condemn your property, then the Courts will. It's all the same land grab. Is anyone checking into Andrew Cuomo's connections to New York State Surrogates Courts, where property of the dead are grabbed from the next of kin by the State under color of law?
In Defense of Eminent Domain
Michael Cardozo, Corporation Counsel, Columbia Law Review
NY Court of Appeals Upholds Eminent Domain
Posted on November 24, 2009 by Mark Axinn
LINK
From the Institute for Justice:
WEB RELEASE: November 24, 2009
Media Contact:
Christina Walsh (703) 682-9320
Arlington, Va.—The New York Court of Appeals, the state’s highest court, today announced that it would uphold the decision of the Empire State Development Corporation (ESDC) to condemn privately owned homes and small businesses to make way for wealthy developer Bruce Ratner’s so-called “Atlantic Yards” development of 16 mammoth skyscrapers centered around a basketball arena.
“Today’s decision puts homes and businesses throughout New York at risk of condemnation,” said Dana Berliner, a senior attorney at the Institute for Justice (IJ), which filed a friend-of-the-court brief in the case. “Courts have a duty to look carefully at the government’s claim that it has the right to take someone’s home or business, and the Court of Appeals has simply refused to do that.”
While upholding the taking, the New York court did not go so far as to embrace the United States Supreme Court’s much-maligned reasoning in the 2005 Kelo v. City of New London case, which held that the U.S. Constitution allows governments to condemn property for economic development alone. Instead, the Court found the takings were for a “public use” because of the ESDC’s determination that the area to be condemned was “blighted”—a determination that was based on a study paid for by the would-be developer and not even initiated until years after the Atlantic Yards project was announced.
In a dissent, Judge Robert Smith excoriated the majority for abandoning its duty to critically examine the ESDC’s assertions. “To let the agency itself determine when the public use requirement is satisfied is to make the agency a judge in its own cause,” Judge Smith wrote. “I think that it is we who should perform the role of judges, and that we should do so by deciding that the proposed taking in this case is not for public use.”
“The developer’s study did not find anything a normal person would call ‘blight,’” explained Berliner. “Instead, it found that the neighborhood was ‘underutilized’—in other words, that the developer could think of bigger things that could be built where these homes and businesses are. If that is all that is necessary for condemnation, then literally every piece of property in New York is at risk.”
The majority’s opinion frankly acknowledges that the court may be opening the door to “political appointees to public corporations relying on studies paid for by developers . . . [as] a predicate for the invasion of property rights and the razing of homes and businesses.” But, it says, preventing such abuses is not the job of the courts, advising New Yorkers to look to their legislature to fix any problems.
“New York is one of only seven states that has failed utterly to pass any kind of eminent-domain reform in the wake of the Kelo decision, and today’s opinion will only make things worse,” said IJ Staff Attorney Robert McNamara. “The state courts are looking to the legislature to fix the problem, while the legislature is apparently looking to the courts. And that means more and more New Yorkers will be looking at condemnation notices.”
“Property rights are as sacred to citizens of New York as they are to Americans nationwide, and New Yorkers have rightly looked to their courts to protect those rights,” concluded IJ President and General Counsel Chip Mellor. “Today’s opinion should be a clarion call to the state legislature that they cannot avoid this issue any longer. Now is the time to give state residents the reform and protections they desperately need.
Sunday, September 19, 2010
Assemblyman Vito Lopez Harasses Women For Votes
Vito Lopez caught on tape browbeating Brooklyn grannies for votes
By JOSEPH GOLDSTEIN, NY POST, September 19, 2010
LINK
Assemblyman Vito Lopez bullied and cajoled eight little old ladies during an arm-twisting session aimed at getting them to back his candidate in a Brooklyn judicial race, a shocking audiotape obtained by The Post reveals.
"I'm not a fool or stupid, all right?" the Democrat railed at the elderly community leaders. "I can't always give and get smacked, give and get smacked . . . I am the political leader."
The May 2005 conversation, captured on a hidden recorder, not only exposes the 69-year-old Lopez's heavy-handed tactics in dealing with his core elderly supporters but also offers a rare glimpse into the backrooms of bare-knuckle Brooklyn politics where Lopez reigns.
"I've been around a long time," Lopez tells the women. "And the only thing that's worth credibility -- the only thing I have that's worth something -- is the politics. That's how I get the money."
RAW AUDIO: LOPEZ THREATENING OLD LADIES FOR VOTES
Lopez called the hourlong meeting at his district office to get the women to support civil court judicial hopeful Richard Velasquez -- once a lawyer for the senior-center nonprofit empire Lopez founded -- in his race against lawyer Marty Needelman. The election was seen as a leadership test for Lopez, who was on the verge of becoming the Democratic Party boss for all of Brooklyn.
He explosively references this power play -- and the competition between Hispanics and Hasidim in the area over housing -- at one point blurting, "If no one respects my leadership, how do I fight the Hasidim?"
The Spanish-speaking women all came from South Williamsburg, where Needelman was popular with Hispanics. Lopez explains he needs Velasquez to win because "I made a pledge to people that the next [judge] would be Hispanic, right? To balance it."
The women aren't swayed, telling Lopez that they like Needelman and that voters don't care about race or, for that matter, the fact that Lopez is "Italiano."
Lopez uses strong-arm tactics, repeatedly mentioning two upcoming taxpayer-funded trips he hosts, suggesting only supporters can go.
"I want to take people on the trip who really don't like me?" he says. "I mean, that's stupid, right? That's what I'm trying to say."
Lopez then hints to one of the women, who had worked as a $225-a-day poll worker, that only Velasquez supporters will get the coveted gigs on Election Day. Poll workers are legally prohibited from trying to influence voters.
"If I put people in the polls to be poll watchers and the candidate that [Lopez's political] club backs is not backed by those people, how can I do that?" he says.
Later, he says, "Either people are with the club or not with the club."
At one point, Lopez suggests that if the votes for Velasquez fall short at PS 19, the polling site nearest the women, he will punish the entire neighborhood.
"Say Richard Velasquez wins, and most people think he will. He wins. But the only place we lose is over here, 19. If you're me, who do you help out? Do you help out the area around here, or do you help the people in Lindsay Park? It changes everything to me," he says.
In October 2005, five months after the meeting, Lopez was anointed Brooklyn's Democratic Party chair, promising to "bring political respectability" and judicial reform.
Velasquez, who had been rated "not approved" by the city Bar Association, was elected to the bench a month later.
But Lopez's efforts to recruit the women did not pay off.
Needelman -- who told The Post that Lopez once considered him "part of the family" but became "obsessed with total control" -- won easily at the PS 19 polls.
Additional reporting by Brad Hamilton and Sarah Ryley
Vito Lopez's tangled ties to shady charity are undeniable
By SARAH RYLEY and JOSEPH GOLDSTEIN, NY POST, Sept. 19, 2010
LINK
Assemblyman Vito Lopez claims he has nothing to do with the Ridgewood Bushwick Senior Citizens Council, a sprawling social-service cash cow that has received at least $304 million in taxpayer funds over five years and is under investigation for fraud.
But Lopez's ties to the organization he founded as a young social worker in the 1970s still run deep:
* His girlfriend, Angela Battaglia, is the organization's No. 2 official, making $329,910 a year. His campaign treasurer, Christiana Fisher, is its executive director and has a $659,591 salary for working only 17½ hours per week.
* Lopez was personally paid $57,600 as a consultant in a single year by Ridgewood Bushwick.
* Lopez's Bushwick Democratic Club operates out of a grimy building on Wyckoff Avenue owned by one of Ridgewood Bushwick's three dozen subsidiaries, which claims on tax forms to operate the building to provide "respite services" for senior citizens.
* The thousands of constituents of Ridgewood Bushwick and its 2,000 employees form the core of Lopez's political machine in north Brooklyn.
* Former Ridgewood Bushwick employees, including Richard Velasquez and Pam Fisher, have become Brooklyn judges with Lopez's support.
* As an assemblyman, Lopez has steered at least $335,000 in member items to Ridgewood Bushwick since 2009.
* He hosts Ridgewood Bushwick's signature taxpayer-funded events, including its massive seniors picnic in Long Island and its Thanksgiving and Christmas dinners.
* He allegedly told a political ally who was starting a nonprofit to follow Ridgewood Bushwick's model when selecting a board: "You want a bunch of 80-year-old people and get them together." The Post has revealed that the elderly members of Ridgewood Bushwick's board exercised little oversight of the group.
* Ridgewood Bushwick has built and manages hundreds of units of affordable housing, which Lopez helped fund with city and state subsidies using his influence as chair of the Assembly's Housing Committee.
Vito Lopez
Friends of Vito Lopez have a leg up when it comes to jobs as judges, even if 'unqualified'
BY Greg B. Smith, DAILY NEWS STAFF WRITER , Sunday, September 19th 2010, 4:00 AM
LINK
When it comes to landing a job as a judge, friends and cronies of Brooklyn Democratic boss Vito Lopez have a leg up - even if they've been rated unqualified, a Daily News review found.
In the last few years, lawyers close to the Brooklyn assemblyman have repeatedly won coveted jobs in various courts.
That includes his daughter, his girlfriend's brother, and employees and relatives of employees of the nonprofit he controls, the Ridgewood Bushwick Senior Citizens Council, records show.
In some of these cases, voters had no idea the candidate they'd elected had been deemed unworthy of the job by state, city or county judicial screening panels.
Lopez became party boss in 2005 after the conviction of his predecessor, Clarence Norman, on corruption charges - including extorting judicial candidates.
One of the Supreme Court justices then sitting on the bench, Louis Marrero, had just been reelected after the Brooklyn bar had deemed him unqualified.
Lopez, who as party boss has enormous control over who winds up on the ballot, continued this tradition.
Judicial candidates are able to seek the seal of approval from screening panels run by the state, city and borough bar associations. If they don't, their opponents can use this against them, and the Brooklyn bar deems them "not approved" by default.
Voted onto the ballot by local party functionaries called judicial delegates, candidates who win the Democratic line are all but assured victory in the overwhelmingly Democratic borough.
Here's the Lopez lineup in courts stretching from downtown Brooklyn to eastern Long Island:
Pamela Fischer is the sister of Ridgewood Bushwick executive director Christiana Fischer. She had little legal experience when Lopez backed her for Civil Court last year.
The city bar association deemed her "not approved" for failing to demonstrate "the requisite qualifications for the court." The Brooklyn bar ruled her "not approved" because she wouldn't submit to the screening process.
She ran unopposed for the $125,000-a-year job. One voter scribbled in a write-in candidate named, "Someone Qualified."
Richard Velazquez was legal counsel to Ridgewood Bushwick when he ran for Civil Court in 2005 with Lopez's backing. Then in 2008, he decided to go for a better job, Supreme Court justice.
In 2008, the city bar deemed him "not approved," although the Brooklyn bar contradicted that finding and called him "approved." He won what's now a $141,000-a-year job.
Former City Councilman Noach Dear had little legal experience when he ran for Civil Court in 2007 with Lopez's support
Going into the race, Dear found himself "not approved" by the city bar, while his Republican opponent, James McCall, was "approved." No problem. Dear beat out McCall 8,281 to 4,489.
Some judges don't bother with voters. They're appointed by politicians. That's what happened with Lopez's lawyer daughter, Gina Lopez-Summa.
In 2006, then-Gov. George Pataki awarded Lopez-Summa a one-year appointment as a Court of Claims judge on Long Island. She stayed on after her term expired, and Gov. Paterson reappointed her for a nine-year term in April 2008.
Before the plum job was handed to his child, Vito Lopez, a lifelong Democrat, endorsed Republican Pataki.
Jack Battaglia was deemed "approved" by both the city and Brooklyn bars - but he had something else going for him when he ran for Civil Court in 2001 and Supreme Court in 2006.
He's the brother of Angela Battaglia, Lopez's longtime girlfriend and the housing director of Ridgewood Bushwick.
The judge made headlines when he sued the city in 2008, a year after he slipped and fell in the courthouse. As it happened, the case was assigned to another Lopez judge. The case was reassigned to another judge after The News noted the connection.
Sometimes it works the other way: The News found two "not approved" candidates who were endorsed by a rival political group that has taken on Lopez.
Lawyer Devin Cohen was deemed "not qualified" by both the city and Brooklyn bars when he beat Lopez's candidate for Civil Court judge in 2008.
And this year, a judicial panel run by the state's appeals courts found candidate Harriet Thompson "not qualified."
Thompson, a lawyer for tenants and landlords who has been endorsed by reform Democrats, has yet to be rated by the city and Brooklyn bars.
Still, when Election Day arrives in November, it won't really matter: She's the only Democrat running for the job.
gsmith@nydailynews.com
Friday, August 27, 2010
Columbia Journalism Review Sues To Obtain Governor Paterson's Office Emails
Why We’re Suing
Let’s see those e-mails, governor
By The Editors of Columbia Journalism Review
LINK
Today, the Columbia Journalism Review will file a lawsuit in an Albany court, seeking to compel New York state to properly fulfill its duties under the state’s Freedom of Information Law—duties we believe the state is speciously and cynically trying to shirk by citing inapplicable exemptions and New York’s shield law.
Here’s how we got to this point. Way back on March 4, Peter Kauffman, Governor David Paterson’s director of communications, resigned, saying that as a former Navy officer he took “integrity… seriously” and that he could not “in good conscience continue in” his position.
His departure came in the midst of one of the one of the strangest chapters in New York’s recent political history. For weeks, the actions of the governor and his staff had been subject to an aggressive investigation by reporters from The New York Times, in the wake of a domestic violence case involving one of the governor’s most trusted aides. While the paper worked its sources, Albany’s rumor mill went into overdrive about the coming article, presumed to be a bombshell. Would it be hookers? Cocaine? Bribe taking? All of the above? With assists from social media and a hyperactive press corps, such speculation burst into the state’s political conversation.
Kaufmann’s resignation reminded Clint Hendler, our staff writer who specializes in politics and government transparency issues, of two recent public records requests. In 2009, just after South Carolina governor Mark Sanford’s staff told the press that their out-of-pocket boss was off “hiking the Appalachian Trail,” John O’Connor, a reporter at The State, filed an open records request that netted e-mails between reporters and the governor’s press office as the scandal brewed. That ingenious reporting trick inspired John Cook, then a reporter with Gawker, to file with New York for 2008 e-mails between former governor Eliot Spitzer’s press secretary and reporters, in the period immediately around his prostitution meltdown.
The documents yielded by both these requests contained some interesting nuggets, showing reporters aggressively angling for information and exclusives and revealing some of the tactics used by press secretaries to manage coverage. So Hendler thought that Kaufmann’s e-mails might be worth a look, and, the afternoon of his resignation, submitted a request under New York state’s Freedom of Information Law (FOIL) for the last seven weeks of e-mails between members of the press, Kaufmann, and his deputy, press secretary Melissa Shorenstein. When Shorenstein also resigned two weeks later, saying she’d been “unwittingly” caught up in the scandal, Hendler filed an amending request seeking similar e-mails through the time of her departure.
The requests—technically in Hendler’s name—entered an acknowledge-and-delay phase familiar to most anyone who has used freedom of information laws, until April 29, when, despite finding over 2,300 responsive e-mails, the executive chamber wrote us to say that, by the state’s reasoning, the public can’t see a single one of them. An administrative appeal garnered nothing further.
So we’re suing.
Why? Well, let us count the ways. First, we’re journalists, and we don’t like taking no for an answer.
More seriously, the records we’re seeking would likely help illuminate the press’s role in a bizarre chain of events in state history that led to the appointment of an Independent Counsel and to the governor dropping his election campaign. Sure, there will be lots of chaff in those e-mails. But perhaps they’d offer some information explaining the resignations, show reporters testing the most bizarre theories circulating at the time, or catalogue an evolving damage-control line from the state’s highest official.
Any of that would all be potentially interesting, and that’s why we will exercise our rights under the law and file suit.
But given the response from the governor’s office, we now also think this suit must be waged to protect the full force of two laws that the state’s press corps rely on: the Freedom of Information Law and the state’s shield law. As we argued in an editorial headlined “Shield Abuse” in our July/August issue, we like freedom of information laws and we like shield laws. We don’t like it when the latter is cynically pitted against the former, in a way that could ultimately damage the shield.
The governor’s office’s denial letter (pdf) gives two rationales for withholding the records. The first suggests that the e-mails would “reveal competitively sensitive information.” The law does allow the state to hold back private businesses information they may hold on the order of trade secrets—manufacturing formulas, for example—but, in this case, that rationale is silly. The state is claiming that the e-mails—none of which are less than five months old—might reveal proprietary lines of reporting, sources, or “methods used by reporters to conduct their research.” Proprietary methods like e-mailing the governor’s communications staff for information or comment? Please.
The other rationale is, to give it credit, at least more creative. The FOIL statute allows the state to withhold documents that other portions of state law demand be kept private. In this supposed spirit, the governor’s office has denied the records by citing the state’s shield law, which can offer journalists, depending on the circumstances, protection against being held in contempt for refusing to comply with a subpoena.
On its face, that won’t fly. The shield law protects journalists from subpoenas about their sources and reporting. It does not protect sources from being compelled to testify. Expanding its protections to sources—especially to government sources, paid by taxpayers, and acting in their official capacity—would pervert and dilute the law. Besides, any talk of testimony is entirely besides the point here. The FOIL process is not a subpoena, and the shield does not protect public records—even if those records reflect some aspect of a journalist’s communication with a public official—from being disclosed pursuant to a proper records request.
Amazingly enough, it wasn’t long ago that the Paterson administration would have agreed with us. Remember John Cook and his 2009 request for Governor Spitzer’s press secretary’s e-mails? It was fulfilled without complaint by the Paterson administration, without any exemptions claimed. But once FOIL’s requirements were trained on Paterson, and threatened to expose something about the operations of his staff, his lawyers found reasons to deny.
Who knows exactly what a fulfilled request would reveal? But it already has revealed something about how freedom of information requests are sometimes handled by governments, who can deny on slim or specious legal grounds with the bet that the requester will throw up their hands, frustrated by the expense and hassle of taking the government to court. It’s a cynical ploy that frustrates the public and the press’s right to know.
And luckily, that won’t be the case here, thanks to our lawyers at Friedman & Wittenstein, who have generously agreed to take the case at no charge to us. Instead, they hope to recoup their costs under a provision of New York’s FOIL allowing plaintiffs to bill the state if the judge finds that a denial was especially capricious.
And if that’s the standard, we like their chances.
CJR sues to disclose N.Y. governor's office's e-mail messages
LINK
The Columbia Journalism Review today filed suit to compel New York state to release several weeks’ worth of e-mail messages among Gov. David Paterson’s former director of communications, Peter Kaufmann, Kaufmann's deputy press secretary, Melissa Shorenstein, and the media.
The governor’s office on April 29 refused to reveal the roughly 2,000 e-mail messages responsive to CJR’s freedom of information request, claiming that those public records were exempt by law – citing the New York shield law, which provides a state reporter's privilege.
Clint Hendler, a CJR reporter, had previously requested the government e-mail messages under New York’s Freedom of Information Law (FOIL). Kaufmann resigned on March 4, 2010 citing issues of “integrity” following a political dust-up in which reporters were investigating accusations that an aide to Gov. Paterson, David Johnson, was involved in a domestic violence dispute. Shorenstein resigned two weeks later.
While the governor's office cited the New York shield law as a basis for withholding information, state shield laws in fact exist to ensure the flow of news and information to the public and to protect an independent press; indeed, the proposed federal shield legislation is entitled the “Free Flow of Information Act.” This particular privilege from producing documents or testifying is referred to as the “reporter’s privilege” because it belongs to a reporter to assert, not to the government as a means to prevent it from disclosing public information.
The denial also cited portions of “commercially sensitive” information in the messages as additional grounds for denial.
CJR wrote that it is suing to “compel New York state to properly fulfill its duties under the state’s Freedom of Information Law — duties we believe the state is speciously and cynically trying to shirk by citing inapplicable exemptions and New York’s shield law.”
Columbia Journalism Review is being represented pro bono by the New York law firm of Friedman & Wittenstein.
— Cristina Abello
Behind the News, Transparency — April 29, 2010 06:59 PM
An Attempted FOIL
NY governor’s office denies CJR’s records request
By Clint Hendler, CJR
LINK
Late this afternoon I got an email from the New York governor’s office initially denying a pair of requests I filed in March under the state’s Freedom of Information Law.
The subject of said requests? All emails between the governor’s two top press aides and journalists sent between January 15, 2010, and the dates in March when the flacks resigned their positions. As you may recall, in that period of time the governor and a top aide were under the aggressive investigative lens of The New York Times. The paper was examining the aide’s record of domestic abuse, and accusations that the governor and members of the state police discouraged the aide’s girlfriend from filing domestic abuse charges after an apparently violent incident that the governor office originally described as a “bad breakup.”
You may also recall that in the run up to the Times’s blockbusters on the scandal, almost all of New York’s press corps got swept up in rather uninformed and all too public speculation about a story that the Times hadn’t run yet.
Where there are rumors, there are press secretaries called upon to deny them, and for that reason among others, I thought it would be interesting to get a peek at what the flacks were getting and giving in those hectic days.
Credit for this idea goes to John Cook, a reporter now with Yahoo! News. While working for Gawker, he had filed a similar request with the Paterson administration for emails sent and received by Governor Eliot Spitzer’s press secretary during his dissection by the Times. (Cook, in turn, credits South Carolina’s The State, which filed the same kind of request when Governor Mark Sanford was not hiking on the Appalachian Trail.)
Today the governor’s office denied my request. (They also, it turns out, just denied a similar, though apparently narrower, request made by John Cook.) Here’s a PDF laying out the legal reasoning behind one of the denials. (The two letters are essentially identical.) The governor’s lawyer offers two arguments, both of which, let’s note, Paterson’s lawyers didn’t find fit to cite when it was Spitzer’s press secretaries’ emails on the line.
The first is that the governor’s office claims that New York’s state’s shield law forbids emails to be released because they are “the work product of journalists.” If you look at the denial letter, you’ll note that Jeffrey Pearlman, the lawyer who signed the denial, doesn’t cite any text from the state’s shield law in making this argument. I think I have an idea why: there’s not a word in the law to support this claim. The law protects journalists from being held in contempt if they themselves refuse to reveal their sources, unpublished information, and other work product as the result of a court or legislative subpoena. It doesn’t protect other people who may possess information about a journalist’s work. I can’t imagine the governor’s office being able to offer a plausible defense of this argument.
The second argument is perhaps more colorable—though that’s not saying much. Pearlman suggests that the information, sources, and methods of reporting described in the emails would if disclosed “cause substantial injury to the competitive position” of the news organization employing any given reporter. But “substantial injury” is a high bar, and it’s hard to see how months-old emails between the governor’s official press staff (no Deep Throat there) and the working press would have much content that could clear it.
It will be interesting to see how well these arguments hold up should I—or Cook, or any other reporter out there who may have asked for the emails—decide to seek an administrative appeal, or involve New York state’s ombudsman-like Committee on Open Government, or the courts.
I have a guess
Let’s see those e-mails, governor
By The Editors of Columbia Journalism Review
LINK
Today, the Columbia Journalism Review will file a lawsuit in an Albany court, seeking to compel New York state to properly fulfill its duties under the state’s Freedom of Information Law—duties we believe the state is speciously and cynically trying to shirk by citing inapplicable exemptions and New York’s shield law.
Here’s how we got to this point. Way back on March 4, Peter Kauffman, Governor David Paterson’s director of communications, resigned, saying that as a former Navy officer he took “integrity… seriously” and that he could not “in good conscience continue in” his position.
His departure came in the midst of one of the one of the strangest chapters in New York’s recent political history. For weeks, the actions of the governor and his staff had been subject to an aggressive investigation by reporters from The New York Times, in the wake of a domestic violence case involving one of the governor’s most trusted aides. While the paper worked its sources, Albany’s rumor mill went into overdrive about the coming article, presumed to be a bombshell. Would it be hookers? Cocaine? Bribe taking? All of the above? With assists from social media and a hyperactive press corps, such speculation burst into the state’s political conversation.
Kaufmann’s resignation reminded Clint Hendler, our staff writer who specializes in politics and government transparency issues, of two recent public records requests. In 2009, just after South Carolina governor Mark Sanford’s staff told the press that their out-of-pocket boss was off “hiking the Appalachian Trail,” John O’Connor, a reporter at The State, filed an open records request that netted e-mails between reporters and the governor’s press office as the scandal brewed. That ingenious reporting trick inspired John Cook, then a reporter with Gawker, to file with New York for 2008 e-mails between former governor Eliot Spitzer’s press secretary and reporters, in the period immediately around his prostitution meltdown.
The documents yielded by both these requests contained some interesting nuggets, showing reporters aggressively angling for information and exclusives and revealing some of the tactics used by press secretaries to manage coverage. So Hendler thought that Kaufmann’s e-mails might be worth a look, and, the afternoon of his resignation, submitted a request under New York state’s Freedom of Information Law (FOIL) for the last seven weeks of e-mails between members of the press, Kaufmann, and his deputy, press secretary Melissa Shorenstein. When Shorenstein also resigned two weeks later, saying she’d been “unwittingly” caught up in the scandal, Hendler filed an amending request seeking similar e-mails through the time of her departure.
The requests—technically in Hendler’s name—entered an acknowledge-and-delay phase familiar to most anyone who has used freedom of information laws, until April 29, when, despite finding over 2,300 responsive e-mails, the executive chamber wrote us to say that, by the state’s reasoning, the public can’t see a single one of them. An administrative appeal garnered nothing further.
So we’re suing.
Why? Well, let us count the ways. First, we’re journalists, and we don’t like taking no for an answer.
More seriously, the records we’re seeking would likely help illuminate the press’s role in a bizarre chain of events in state history that led to the appointment of an Independent Counsel and to the governor dropping his election campaign. Sure, there will be lots of chaff in those e-mails. But perhaps they’d offer some information explaining the resignations, show reporters testing the most bizarre theories circulating at the time, or catalogue an evolving damage-control line from the state’s highest official.
Any of that would all be potentially interesting, and that’s why we will exercise our rights under the law and file suit.
But given the response from the governor’s office, we now also think this suit must be waged to protect the full force of two laws that the state’s press corps rely on: the Freedom of Information Law and the state’s shield law. As we argued in an editorial headlined “Shield Abuse” in our July/August issue, we like freedom of information laws and we like shield laws. We don’t like it when the latter is cynically pitted against the former, in a way that could ultimately damage the shield.
The governor’s office’s denial letter (pdf) gives two rationales for withholding the records. The first suggests that the e-mails would “reveal competitively sensitive information.” The law does allow the state to hold back private businesses information they may hold on the order of trade secrets—manufacturing formulas, for example—but, in this case, that rationale is silly. The state is claiming that the e-mails—none of which are less than five months old—might reveal proprietary lines of reporting, sources, or “methods used by reporters to conduct their research.” Proprietary methods like e-mailing the governor’s communications staff for information or comment? Please.
The other rationale is, to give it credit, at least more creative. The FOIL statute allows the state to withhold documents that other portions of state law demand be kept private. In this supposed spirit, the governor’s office has denied the records by citing the state’s shield law, which can offer journalists, depending on the circumstances, protection against being held in contempt for refusing to comply with a subpoena.
On its face, that won’t fly. The shield law protects journalists from subpoenas about their sources and reporting. It does not protect sources from being compelled to testify. Expanding its protections to sources—especially to government sources, paid by taxpayers, and acting in their official capacity—would pervert and dilute the law. Besides, any talk of testimony is entirely besides the point here. The FOIL process is not a subpoena, and the shield does not protect public records—even if those records reflect some aspect of a journalist’s communication with a public official—from being disclosed pursuant to a proper records request.
Amazingly enough, it wasn’t long ago that the Paterson administration would have agreed with us. Remember John Cook and his 2009 request for Governor Spitzer’s press secretary’s e-mails? It was fulfilled without complaint by the Paterson administration, without any exemptions claimed. But once FOIL’s requirements were trained on Paterson, and threatened to expose something about the operations of his staff, his lawyers found reasons to deny.
Who knows exactly what a fulfilled request would reveal? But it already has revealed something about how freedom of information requests are sometimes handled by governments, who can deny on slim or specious legal grounds with the bet that the requester will throw up their hands, frustrated by the expense and hassle of taking the government to court. It’s a cynical ploy that frustrates the public and the press’s right to know.
And luckily, that won’t be the case here, thanks to our lawyers at Friedman & Wittenstein, who have generously agreed to take the case at no charge to us. Instead, they hope to recoup their costs under a provision of New York’s FOIL allowing plaintiffs to bill the state if the judge finds that a denial was especially capricious.
And if that’s the standard, we like their chances.
CJR sues to disclose N.Y. governor's office's e-mail messages
LINK
The Columbia Journalism Review today filed suit to compel New York state to release several weeks’ worth of e-mail messages among Gov. David Paterson’s former director of communications, Peter Kaufmann, Kaufmann's deputy press secretary, Melissa Shorenstein, and the media.
The governor’s office on April 29 refused to reveal the roughly 2,000 e-mail messages responsive to CJR’s freedom of information request, claiming that those public records were exempt by law – citing the New York shield law, which provides a state reporter's privilege.
Clint Hendler, a CJR reporter, had previously requested the government e-mail messages under New York’s Freedom of Information Law (FOIL). Kaufmann resigned on March 4, 2010 citing issues of “integrity” following a political dust-up in which reporters were investigating accusations that an aide to Gov. Paterson, David Johnson, was involved in a domestic violence dispute. Shorenstein resigned two weeks later.
While the governor's office cited the New York shield law as a basis for withholding information, state shield laws in fact exist to ensure the flow of news and information to the public and to protect an independent press; indeed, the proposed federal shield legislation is entitled the “Free Flow of Information Act.” This particular privilege from producing documents or testifying is referred to as the “reporter’s privilege” because it belongs to a reporter to assert, not to the government as a means to prevent it from disclosing public information.
The denial also cited portions of “commercially sensitive” information in the messages as additional grounds for denial.
CJR wrote that it is suing to “compel New York state to properly fulfill its duties under the state’s Freedom of Information Law — duties we believe the state is speciously and cynically trying to shirk by citing inapplicable exemptions and New York’s shield law.”
Columbia Journalism Review is being represented pro bono by the New York law firm of Friedman & Wittenstein.
— Cristina Abello
Behind the News, Transparency — April 29, 2010 06:59 PM
An Attempted FOIL
NY governor’s office denies CJR’s records request
By Clint Hendler, CJR
LINK
Late this afternoon I got an email from the New York governor’s office initially denying a pair of requests I filed in March under the state’s Freedom of Information Law.
The subject of said requests? All emails between the governor’s two top press aides and journalists sent between January 15, 2010, and the dates in March when the flacks resigned their positions. As you may recall, in that period of time the governor and a top aide were under the aggressive investigative lens of The New York Times. The paper was examining the aide’s record of domestic abuse, and accusations that the governor and members of the state police discouraged the aide’s girlfriend from filing domestic abuse charges after an apparently violent incident that the governor office originally described as a “bad breakup.”
You may also recall that in the run up to the Times’s blockbusters on the scandal, almost all of New York’s press corps got swept up in rather uninformed and all too public speculation about a story that the Times hadn’t run yet.
Where there are rumors, there are press secretaries called upon to deny them, and for that reason among others, I thought it would be interesting to get a peek at what the flacks were getting and giving in those hectic days.
Credit for this idea goes to John Cook, a reporter now with Yahoo! News. While working for Gawker, he had filed a similar request with the Paterson administration for emails sent and received by Governor Eliot Spitzer’s press secretary during his dissection by the Times. (Cook, in turn, credits South Carolina’s The State, which filed the same kind of request when Governor Mark Sanford was not hiking on the Appalachian Trail.)
Today the governor’s office denied my request. (They also, it turns out, just denied a similar, though apparently narrower, request made by John Cook.) Here’s a PDF laying out the legal reasoning behind one of the denials. (The two letters are essentially identical.) The governor’s lawyer offers two arguments, both of which, let’s note, Paterson’s lawyers didn’t find fit to cite when it was Spitzer’s press secretaries’ emails on the line.
The first is that the governor’s office claims that New York’s state’s shield law forbids emails to be released because they are “the work product of journalists.” If you look at the denial letter, you’ll note that Jeffrey Pearlman, the lawyer who signed the denial, doesn’t cite any text from the state’s shield law in making this argument. I think I have an idea why: there’s not a word in the law to support this claim. The law protects journalists from being held in contempt if they themselves refuse to reveal their sources, unpublished information, and other work product as the result of a court or legislative subpoena. It doesn’t protect other people who may possess information about a journalist’s work. I can’t imagine the governor’s office being able to offer a plausible defense of this argument.
The second argument is perhaps more colorable—though that’s not saying much. Pearlman suggests that the information, sources, and methods of reporting described in the emails would if disclosed “cause substantial injury to the competitive position” of the news organization employing any given reporter. But “substantial injury” is a high bar, and it’s hard to see how months-old emails between the governor’s official press staff (no Deep Throat there) and the working press would have much content that could clear it.
It will be interesting to see how well these arguments hold up should I—or Cook, or any other reporter out there who may have asked for the emails—decide to seek an administrative appeal, or involve New York state’s ombudsman-like Committee on Open Government, or the courts.
I have a guess
Friday, August 20, 2010
NYS Appellate Court in Albany: "Deliberative Process" Exemption To FOIL Applies To Federal/State Communications
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Robert Freeman, Director, Committee On Open Government |
LINK
A New York appellate court in Albany on Thursday ruled that the "deliberative process" exemption to the state's freedom of information law ("FOIL") applies to communications between federal and state officials. At issue in the case were records sought by a Saratoga County water district relating to a water supply option report developed by General Electric Co. as part of its efforts to remediate contaminated portions of the Hudson river. New York state officials, in conjunction with the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, had co-regulatory authority over the cleanup project.
Water district officials expressed concern that plans to dredge upriver portions of the Hudson river to remove hazardous PCB sediments could negatively affect the local water supply. They therefore requested the disclosure of a variety of documents under FOIL related to the proposed remediation plan, including some communications between EPA and state officials.
The state refused to disclose certain records, claiming that they constituted intra-agency or inter-agency pre-decisional deliberative materials that were exempt from disclosure under the law. FOIL provides for such an exemption on the grounds that pre-decisional communications exchanged internally purely for discussion purposes should be protected in order to promote frank and open discussion.
The water district argued that the inter-agency and intra-agency confidentiality protections only covered an "agency" as that term was defined under FOIL. FOIL limits the definition of an "agency" to state and municipality entities thus arguably not covering communications with federal bodies such as EPA. The lower court agreed with the water district's reading of the law.
The appeals court, however, disagreed. It first recognized that neither "inter-agency" nor "intra-agency" were defined under FOIL and that prior case law has interpreted these terms to include certain non-state entities despite how the term "agency" is defined under the same law. The court went on to rule that the proper test to uphold the intent of the deliberative process exemption "can only be served by focussing on the nature of the relationship that exists between the entities, and asking whether the communication in question is exchanged as part of the deliberative process in government decision-making."
Applying that test, the court noted that the relationship between federal EPA and state officials "has existed for more than 25 years" and was in place due to statutory and contractual obligations that required cooperation. "In terms of this project, [New York state] and the EPA share a common objective, and by law as well as by contract are required to work as one unit to achieve that objective," the court stated.
The court then ordered the lower court to conduct a review of the documents at issue to determine which, if any, of the withheld documents constituted deliberative process communications. In addressing a separate claim, the court also ruled that certain settlement negotiation documents were improperly withheld, finding that the state failed to provide any specific legal basis supporting non-disclosure.
In dissent, one member of the court noted that the majority's decision "thwarts the basic premises that FOIL is to be construed liberally, that government records are presumptively available for public inspection, and that exemptions are to be construed narrowly." The dissent goes on to highlight the limited definition of an "agency" under FOIL and notes that the state Committee on Open Government (a persuasive but non-binding authority) has previously — and correctly — found that communications between the state and EPA are not covered under the deliberative process exemption.
The dissent also distinguishes prior case law holding that certain non-state, non-municipality entities can qualify for deliberative process protection by stating that such inclusion had previously only applied when the non-state actor was in a consulting position. Here, the dissent found the EPA to be acting with independent authority.
— Mark Caramanica
Copyright 2010 The Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press.
Blast From The Past: Tom Robbins on Picking Judges, 2007
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Judith Kaye |
Citizens, this is where the money passes from palm to greased palm. More at a later date, but for your reading pleasure, here is the article published by the Village Voice in 2007:
Benchwarmers
Everything you never wanted to know about picking judges for an important court you've never heard of
Tom Robbins, Village Voice, July 17, 2007
LINK
I was warned against writing this column.
Details:
"You might think twice about doing that judges story," were the exact, ominous words.
OK, the threat came from my editor, who added: "Nobody cares how judges get picked. Where is that S&M piece you promised?" I did not knuckle under. As you may know, this paper is currently owned and operated by out-of-towners and recent transplants, so I was able to convincingly argue that, aside from rent hikes and Alex Rodriguez, there is no subject New Yorkers get more passionate about than the selection of appellate judges. Please do not cross me up on this.
Here, then, is the unvarnished truth—which only the Voice will tell you—about how New York came to select a rookie judge with a powerful ally as the presiding justice for the busiest and most powerful appeals court in the state.
Already you're thinking, "Appellate court? Presiding justice? Alex Rodriguez?" Bear with me. Part of the problem here is the purposely obscure nomenclature employed by lawyers, who are the only ones who really do care about judges. They care so much that they see the judges' faces in their Grape-Nuts every morning. They address their cereal, practicing small, obsequious remarks like: "Heard Your Honor hit a par four last week. Nice."
Many people erroneously assume that the state's most important court is the Court of Appeals in Albany, which supposedly settles all the big cases. See? You're already the victim of legal obscurantism. Albany? Are you kidding? The state's most important court is right here where it belongs, in Manhattan, at the corner of Madison Avenue and East 25th Street, where is found the magnificent marble headquarters of the Appellate Division, First Judicial Department.
The few non-lawyers who stumble across this structure are immediately struck dumb by the big Greek columns and the statues of half-naked men and women on the roof. This is a building for judges and lawyers only; jurors are not allowed, not only because no jury trials are held here, but because they would befoul the building with dark splotches of chewing gum and half-completed Sudoku puzzles. Oh, yes, there is a also a cadre of heavily armed court officers who are charged with keeping jurors out and making sure there are parking spots for the 16 appellate judges who work here.
You are wondering: Why do they need to drive? What are they, firefighters? This is another sad example of reader ignorance. The former governor, George Pataki, a Republican from Putnam County (I can only tell you it is near the Taconic Parkway), recognized after taking office that New York City's appellate courts were severely segregated. Local judges, overwhelmingly Democrats, held most positions. To remedy this outrage, Pataki commenced a bold integration scheme in which he bussed in judges from upstate to sit on the city's appeals courts. Surprisingly, most of his choices were white Republicans like himself. Opponents of this measure complained (quietly, so as not to be seen as bigots) that the imports were generally of a lower IQ than the locals. Plus, they took up all the parking spots because, of course, they didn't really take a bus to work.
This was the situation that greeted newly elected governor Eliot Spitzer (a Democrat from Manhattan, though he also has a residence in Columbia County, apparently farther up the Taconic). It was day one and everything had to change, so he got right to work on the appellate courts, starting with the First Department in Manhattan, because it handles all the most important cases. Would you want some hick court in Elmira ruling on the likes of High Risk Opportunities Hub Fund Ltd. v. Credit Lyonnais? Of course not.
Spitzer's first task was to appoint a new presiding justice, an opportunity that made the governor's people ecstatic. This plum had fallen into their laps thanks to a display of stunning ingratitude by one of Pataki's own picks. Everyone knew that Pataki had intended, on his way out of office, to name his pal and former counsel, Justice James McGuire, to this top job. McGuire had been especially helpful to Pataki when a federal grand jury in Brooklyn began asking why his administration had granted parole to felons whose parents gave a lot of money to his campaign. McGuire did well: Only a couple of Koreans and some low-level parole aides were convicted.
If he'd been appointed, McGuire would have held this post until 2018, making him Pataki's proudest legacy. (OK, his only legacy.) Sadly, this plan fell apart when the then-presiding justice, one John Buckley, an import from Oneida County (no idea, look it up), refused to step down. Buckley was reluctant to do so because he would've had to go back to wherever Oneida County is. December 31, 2006, came and went. Buckley was still there. This gave Spitzer the right to choose the new presiding justice when Buckley turned 70, which he soon did.
(To quickly recap: The presiding justice runs a big building with Greek columns where many important legal cases are heard and where you, in all likelihood, will never enter.)
Because he wanted to do things properly, Spitzer appointed a special panel to advise him on whom to appoint. This is called "merit selection." It is preferable to elections, because voters are notoriously ignorant (see Bush, George W., Election of). Choosing a new P.J. (common vernacular for "presiding justice"—please memorize) is especially important because he also gets to pick the watchdogs who penalize wayward attorneys. Since Manhattan's hordes of attorneys all live in terror of being cited for wrongdoing, this causes the P.J. (see above) to be viewed as somewhere north of God. His jokes are the funniest ever heard, his wisdom unfathomable.
Unfortunately, Spitzer's panel didn't fully grasp the "merit" part. It selected five candidates as "highly qualified," yet somehow neglected to include two of the First Department's most distinguished members: Richard Andrias, a Vietnam vet with a Bronze Star who is considered such a stellar judicial performer that he has been nominated five times for the Court of Appeals, and David Saxe, another appellate Hall of Famer who is widely considered the best writer on the bench since the late William O. Douglas.
Cynics maintain that the absence of stars like Andrias and Saxe made it easier for the governor to select the judge he ultimately chose, Jonathan Lippman. An amiable insider, Lippman was for many years the court's able administrator and served as a loyal deputy to the state's top judicial officer, Chief Judge Judith Kaye of the Court of Appeals. As for actual judging, Lippman had a late start in the business: He never heard a case until 2004 and wasn't elected to the bench until 2005.
While this may seem an unlikely résumé for someone selected to head the state's busiest court, Lippman's many fans insist he is otherwise superb. The fact that he and his boss, Judge Kaye, have failed to get a raise for the state's judges for nine years should not be held against them, the fans say. And Judge Kaye's reluctance to go along with demands from scores of irate judges who want to sue the governor's ass to get that raise is also irrelevant.
Moreover, Lippman is so good that he is already being touted as a likely successor to Kaye when she has to step down late next year. Recommendations for that post will be made by another special gubernatorial panel.
That is how merit selection works. Who else are you going to trust to pick judges—editors?
Wednesday, July 28, 2010
Former Chief Judge Judith Kaye Finds Gov. Paterson Not Guilty of Breaking The Law

Of course our Governor cannot be charged with obstruction of justice, witness tampering, or anything like that... he is above the law, immune to prosecution, accountable for his actions only to dad, the Hon. Basil Paterson (David's brother Daniel works at the Office of Court Administration).

AG Report: Paterson Showed Bad Judgment, Did Not Break Law
By JONATHAN DIENST, Wed, Jul 28, 2010
LINK
Gov. David Paterson showed bad judgment but did not break the law when he contacted an alleged domestic violence victim, sources tell NBCNewYork, according to a new report released today by the Attorney General's office.
The report by special counsel Judith Kaye details the events surrounding the alleged abuse of Sherr-una Booker by Paterson's close aide, David Johnson. See a timeline of the events.
Read the report here.
The report suggests that the Bronx District attorney should move forward with a criminal investigation of David Johnson for the alleged domestic violence incident.
"The evidence reviewed warrants consideration of possible charges against David Johnson relating to the Oct. 31 incident," Judge Kaye writes in the report. But, she adds, no other criminal charges should be filed in the case.
It was last Halloween night when Johnson allegedly beat and choked Booker. Questions have swirled if Gov. Paterson Johnson and state police officials engaged in actions to try to silence her. Johnson denies any wrongdoing. The Governor admits calling Booker but has denied it was an attempt to intimidate her.
According to the report out today, Booker called 9-1-1 three times after the alleged assault. In the third call, she told the 9-1-1 operator that she was scared and feared Johnson might return to "finish the job." The NYPD patrol car was delayed in responding because it had to cover a car accident and a landlord-tenant dispute at the same time.
When officers arrived, they said the did not see any injuries, classified the incident as a 'harassment' violation and advised Booker to pursue the matter in family court. The NYPD report later erroneously stated Booker's complaint had been "unfounded" after a wrong code for the complaint was entered into the computer. Booker then went to Lincoln Hospital for treatment and to meet with a social worker on how to handle a domestic violence incident.
The report states that after Booker called 9-1-1 to report the alleged assault to the NYPD, Johnson called NY State Police Major Charles Day, of the Governor's security detail, to alert him of her allegations.
Day told investigators he received permission from First Superintendent Pedro Perez to call Booker to assess if an assault had occurred and whether Booker needed help. Perez also claimed he wanted to assess if Booker was a 'threat' to the Governor in that Booker might seek to "retaliate" against Johnson when he was with the Governor.
When Major Day called Booker, she said she was not all right and was very upset, according to the report.. Booker claims Major Day then urged her not to file charges against Johnson and instead leave it to the state police to handle internally. "Booker testified that, because she believed Day worked for Johnson, she suspected that Day was attempting to interfere with her efforts to obtain assistance from the NYPD," the report said.
Superintendent Perez did call the head of the State Police Henry Corbitt who later testified that he said Booker should be treated as a crime victim and that Day should reach out to her and "explain her options."
On January 7, Corbitt advised Deputy Secretary of Public Safety Denise O'Donnell about the incident, calling it an "argument" that resulted in a "domestic incident report," according to O'Donnell.
Booker, 41, came forward for the first time last week, saying that she wants to pursue criminal charges against Johnson. She met for several hours last week with domestic violence prosecutors at the Bronx District Attorney's office. Bronx DA Robert Johnson said he is investigating her claims, but hadn't yet decided whether to file criminal charges, according to his spokesman.
Booker, a single mother of two sons, said that she was inspired to go public with her claims due to other women who had suffered domestic violence, particularly a co-worker who stayed with a man who had broken her arm.
"She didn't speak out for years," said Booker. "And it kind of gave me the courage to come forth and speak for other women that maybe didn't feel that they would be heard, or weren't important enough to speak up. It's the right thing to do. I don't want any woman to go through what I went through."
The report said after Booker called 9-1-1 to report the alleged assault to the NYPD, Johnson called Major Charles Day of the Governor's security detail to alert him of her allegations. Day told investigators he received permission from First Superintendent Pedro Perez to call Booker to assess if an assault had occurred and whether Booker needed help. Perez also claimed he wanted to assess if Booker was a 'threat' to the Governor in that Booker might seek to 'retaliate' against Johnson when he was with the Governor.
When Major Day called Booker, she said she was not all right and was very upset. Booker claims Major Day then urged her not to file charges against Johnson and instead leave it to the state police to handle internally.
"Booker testified that, because she believed Day worked for Johnson, she suspected that Day was attempting to interfere with her efforts to obtain assistance from the NYPD," the report said.
Day denies Booker's claims.
After leaving the apartment and calling Major Day, Johnson also called friend Deneane Brown asking her to try to calm Booker down. He also called Governor aide Clemmie Harris who then called Brown to find out what was happening.
Harris said he first discussed the allegations Booker was making against Johnson with the Governor on November 2. That day, Booker went to family court to seek an order of protection stating she suffered bruises on her arms. She returned to court on Nov. 4 and followed the court's advise to have an order of protection sent via certified mail to Johnson.
According to the report, Booker says on November 3, Day tried to call her but a friend answered the phone: When he was told Booker planned to continue to move forward with the case, Day reportedly became "aggressive and rude." But Day denies asking about whether Booker planned to pursue the case.
Eventually, Booker told investigators she decided not to pursue the family court case because Johnson was no longer contacting her and she did not consider him a 'threat.' That according to the attorney general's report is why Booker did not follow-up at Family Court to pursue the matter.
But Booker told NBCNewYork last week that she stands by her claims that she was "harassed" by state police officials. She would not comment about the phone call the Governor made to her the day before her planned family court appearance to move ahead with the charges.
Paterson first learned of the domestic dispute on Nov. 1, when Johnson allegedly told him he had a "huge fight" with Booker. But the Governor said he was unaware there was any physical dimension to the dispute, the report said.
"I got the impression that this was a loud, emotional exchange, and that the police had been called," Paterson later told investigators.
But The New York Times broke the domestic-abuse story on February 17 and Paterson and Booker spoke by phone again that day for 40 minutes. Paterson told her the story was going to 'blow over.' She said she told Paterson she was upset because the incident was more than a 'bad break up' and she told him the details of the alleged assault.
Paterson apologized to her in that call, saying he was unaware of the details, the report said. But the Governor's office then put out a statement that "There is no independent evidence presented that would substantiate any claims of violence."
On February 24, with the Times set to run another story, Governor Paterson called Booker several times, at one point speaking for 20 minutes, according tot he report. Booker alleged she thought the NYPD was slow in responding to her 9-1-1 calls because she suspected the State Police had stepped in.
Later that night, the Governor called Booker and left her a message about the Times reporting. "You should see the way they wrote this story. They're trying to make it look like I pressured you into dropping this court case. Please help me," Paterson said. "Your lawyer, his statement, makes it sound the same way."
Paterson went on: "I hope, uh - you remember that I was not trying to make you do anything, and - I hope your lawyer will do something to help me here because this, uh, doesn't look good for me, and I wasn't in this."
In the final assessment, Judge Kaye's report found "no evidence" that Governor Paterson committed witness tampering, but he did "rely to heavily" on Johnson's story alone. Also, the report concluded that no one from the State Police interfered with the NYPD case, and Major Day did not attempt to induce Booker to stay away from court.
The report stated that Day may have violated State Police protocols in researching certain records, but he had a right to "make appropriate inquiries" with the NYPD to ensure that any arrest of Johnson would not cause any security issue with the governor.
Booker's attorney Ken Thompson declined comment as he waits to read the report with his client. Johnson's attorney Oscar Michelen also declined comment at this time. Ted Wells, the lawyer for Governor Paterson, is out of town and could not be reached.'
TIMELINE: A Tumultuous Turn In The Governor's Seat
A Timeline of David Paterson's Political Career
By KATIE HONAN, Updated 12:25 PM EDT, Fri, Mar 5, 2010
LINK

Gov. David Paterson announced the end of his week-long campaign for a full term, setting an end date on what has been an short but interesting tenure as Governor of New York.
His career in brief:
1985: David Paterson is elected to the Senate in the 29th District of New York--the same Manhattan district that his father, Basil, served as a Senator. He became the youngest State Senator in Albany, serving as senator until 2007.
November 20th, 2002: Paterson is elected by the Democratic caucus as the Minority Leader, becoming the first non-white state legislative leader and the highest-ranking black elected official in the history of New York State.
2006: New York Attorney General Eliot Spitzer chooses David Paterson as his running mate for the Governor's office. Paterson trades the powerful Senate Majority Leader position--for which he was poised to take--for the Lt. Governor post, which is largely ceremonial.
November 2006: Eliot Spitzer defeats Republican John Faso in a landslide victory to become Governor of New York.
March 10th, 2008: The New York Times reports that Governor Eliot Spitzer was a patron of a high-end prostitution service called the Emperors Club VIP. "Client 9", as Spitzer was called in court papers, appeared briefly in front of reporters.
March 12th, 2008: Eliot Spitzer resigns as governor, effective five days later.
March 17th, 2008: Lt. Governor David Paterson is sworn in at the New York Capitol as the 55th Governor of New York. In his inauguration speech, he says: "Let me reintroduce myself. I am David Paterson and I am the Governor of New York State. ”
March 18th, 2008: In a joint press conference, Paterson and his wife Michelle both admit to extramarital affairs. The Governor admits to multiple liaisons with several women for several years starting in 1999, including a woman on the state payroll. Paterson also stated that he visited the Days Inn on the Upper West Side of Manhattan for trysts, and that he and his wife also visited the same hotel to try "new and exciting things" to save their marriage.
March 25th, 2008: Paterson tells former NY1 News anchor Dominic Carter that he tried cocaine "a couple of times" when he was in his early 20s. He also said he hasn't "touched marijuana since the late '70s."
December 1st, 2008: President-Elect Barack Obama announced he would nominate New York Sen. Hillary Clinton to Secretary of State, leaving a vacant seat in New York.
December 3rd, 2008: Reports state Governor Paterson had a conversation with Caroline Kennedy about the possibility of her taking Clinton's Senate seat. Critics would point out Kennedy's lack of experience in politics, and accused her of riding on her political last name.
"We talked about a number of things, and the seat did come up in the conversation," Paterson said, although he was unsure at the time if she was actually serious about the position.
This was the beginning of what Chris Smith of New York Magazine called "the defining circus of [Paterson's] rookie year in office."
January 12th, 2009: Paterson's selection process for the Senate seat is criticized as being too secretive, going against the Governor's promise to keep an open government.
Paterson refuses to release the list of "about 10" people he is considering for the job. He wont release the blank questionnaire he sent to each candidate for background information. His office says "the process is confidential."
January 21st, 2009: Caroline Kennedy abruptly withdraws from the Senate appointment with a phone call to Paterson. She cites "personal" reasons for her decision.
January 23rd, 2009: Rep. Kirsten Gillibrand, who represents an upstate New York district, is appointed by Governor
Paterson as Hilary Clinton's successor in the Senate to replace Hillary Clinton as New York's junior Senator.
The selection process for Senate shined a light on what many felt was Paterson's indecisiveness and inefficiency. Many felt he had yet to establish himself as a leader in the Democratic party.
March 23, 2009: A Siena Poll finds Governor Paterson's approval rating at just 19%
June 8th, 2009: In one of the more bizarre days in New York political history, Republicans in the State Senate--in the minority by two votes--arrange for a coup in power. Two Democrats, Hiram Monserrate and Pedro Espada, Jr., defect to the Republican side and voted to replace the Majority Leader and Temporary President of the Senate. Governor Paterson tries to force the Senate into action by withholding the Senator's salary, but the Senate remains deadlocked.
July 8th, 2009: David Paterson appoints Richard Ravitch as Lieutenant Governor in an effort to break to the deadlock. He is sworn in at Peter Luger's Steakhouse in Brooklyn. Senate coup leader Pedro Espada Jr., tries to sue to prevent the appointment.
July 9th, 2009: Espada returns to the Democratic side, returning them to a 32-30 majority in the Senate.
July 21st, 2009: New York Supreme Court Justice William R. LaMarca issues a primary injunction to prevent Ravitch from
performing any duties of the office. On August 20th, the Appellate Division's Second Department unanimously rules that the appointment of Ravitch was unlawful because "no provision of the Constitution or of any statute provides for the filling of a vacancy in the office of lieutenant governor other than by election.
September 22, 2009: The New York Court of Appeals, the highest court in New York, rules that the Governor's selection is lawful and a governor may appoint a lieutenant governor in the event of a vacancy.
January 18th, 2010: A Page Six report from the New York Post reports the Governor was seen "nuzzling" and "cooing like a smitten schoolboy" with a woman who was not his wife inside a New Jersey steakhouse. Paterson says he and the woman are just friends.
January 30th, 2010: Another Post item says a state trooper accidental walked in on Paterson hugging another woman who wasn't his wife in a closet at the governor's mansion.
February 5th, 2010: Political reporters all around the city are put into a frenzy as rumors of a damaging New York Times article on the Governor is in the works, set to "Spitzerize" Paterson. Many say it will force the Governor to resign.
February 9th, 2010: Paterson responds to the Times story, saying the paper interview him but didn't ask any questions about the alleged scandal.
He writes a letter to the Times, admonishing them for failing to stop the speculation on the story. On Don Imus' radio show, Paterson says "For a person who has such weak poll numbers, that hasn't raised enough money and has diminishing political support, someone is going very far out of their way to see that I am not a candidate this year," the governor said, blaming the media and special interest groups for attacking his campaign.
"I'm black, I'm blind and I'm still alive... Now how much better do they want me to be?"
February 16th, 2010: The New York Times publishes their story, "Paterson Aide's Quick Rise Draws Scrutiny." Many criticize the paper for over-hyping a story, which profiles Paterson's driver, David Johnson, aka DJ, and his suspicious rise to power. They bring up his two cleared youth offender arrests. Gawker says: "Tell all your friends: Paterson's closest adviser is sort of a thug. The great phantom David Paterson scandal of 2010 ends with a whimper... maybe?"
February 20th, 2010: Paterson kicks off his campaign for Governor to a crowd of 400 at Hofstra University, his Alma mater.
"You need to know that this is a governor who does not quit," he says, selling himself as the underdog in the race. The next day he attends another campaign event in Rochester.
February 24th, 2010: Governor Paterson abruptly suspends David Johnson and asks Attorney General Andrew Cuomo to investigate claims that State Police tried to "improperly influence" a woman Johnson allegedly attacked. His aides admit that Paterson was in contact with the woman, telling her he "was here for her." Although Paterson claimed the woman called him, sources came out and said Paterson was the first to make contact with the woman.
February 25th, 2010: Public Safety Deputy Denise O'Donnell resigns, citing the developing scandal in the administration.
That night, Paterson speaks to reporters as rumors float around of his possible resignation. He states that he will continue his campaign for Governor.
February 26th, 2010: Governor David Paterson announces he will be dropping out of the race, saying he can't run for governor and be governor at the same time.
"I believe that when the facts are reviewed, the truth will prevail," he says, adding, "There are 308 days left in my term. I will serve every one of them fighting for the people of New York."
March 3, 2010: New York State Police Superintendent Harry Corbitt resigns amid the media pressure of the scandal.
That same day, Paterson was charged by the New York State Commission on Public Integrity for violating ethics laws when obtaining five free Yankees tickets for Game 1 of the 2009 World Series and possibly lying about it under oath.
March 4, 2010: Director of Communications Peter Kauffmann resigns, stating: "As a former officer in the United States Navy, integrity and commitment to public service are values I take seriously. Unfortunately, as recent developments have come to light, I cannot in good conscience continue in my current position."
First Published: Feb 26, 2010 6:20 PM EDT
Sunday, July 11, 2010
Harold Sturgeon v William Bratton

Bill Bratton has left California and has landed once again in New York City. Will he be tapped by a governor hopeful? Let's hope not.
Harold Sturgeon v. William Bratton
LINK
Filed 6/17/09
CERTIFIED FOR PUBLICATION
IN THE COURT OF APPEAL OF THE STATE OF CALIFORNIA
SECOND APPELLATE DISTRICT
DIVISION THREE
HAROLD P. STURGEON,
Plaintiff and Appellant,
v.
WILLIAM J. BRATTON et al.,
Defendants and Respondents;
BREAK THE CYCLE et al.,
Interveners and Respondents.
B209913
(Los Angeles County
Super. Ct. No. BC351646)
APPEAL from a judgment of the Superior Court of Los Angeles County, Rolf M. Treu, Judge. Affirmed.
Judicial Watch, Inc. and Sterling E. Norris for Plaintiff and Appellant.
Rockard J. Delgadillo, City Attorney and Paul L. Winnemore, Deputy City Attorney for Defendants and Respondents.
ACLU Foundation of Southern California, Hector O. Villagra, Belinda Escobosa Helzer, Mark Rosenbaum and Ahilan Arulanantham for Interveners and Respondents.
Special Order 40 (SO40) is the policy of the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) governing interactions with illegal immigrants. It prohibits LAPD officers from initiating police action with the sole objective of discovering the immigration status of an individual, and arresting individuals for illegal entry into the United States. In 1987, this court upheld SO40 against a challenge that the mere questioning of a criminal arrestee about his immigration status, and passing that information on to federal immigration officials, acts permitted by SO40, constituted unconstitutional state enforcement of federal civil immigration law. (Gates v. Superior Court (1987) 193 Cal.App.3d 205, 219.) We concluded that the LAPD could voluntarily transfer legitimately obtained arrest information to federal authorities without running afoul of the U.S. Constitution. (Ibid.)
Subsequently, Congress enacted a statute invalidating state and local restrictions on the voluntary exchange of immigration information with federal immigration authorities. (8 U.S.C. § 1373 (section 1373).) Plaintiff Harold P. Sturgeon brought a taxpayer action to enjoin defendants, LAPD Chief William Bratton and other officials, from enforcing SO40, as a local restriction invalidated by section 1373. The trial court permitted intervention, in support of defendants, by several organizations supporting immigrants’ rights. Interveners and defendants moved for summary judgment on the basis that SO40 was not invalid. Sturgeon took the position that SO40 violated the supremacy clause (U.S. Const., art. VI, cl. 2) because it conflicted with section 1373. Alternatively, Sturgeon argued that SO40 was preempted by federal immigration law. Finally, Sturgeon argued that SO40 violated Penal Code section 834b, a California statute requiring local law enforcement agencies to cooperate with federal immigration authorities, and specifying certain immigration enforcement tasks which must be taken with respect to every arrestee suspected of being present in the United States illegally.
The trial court granted summary judgment, upholding the validity of SO40. As to Sturgeon’s contention that SO40 violated the supremacy clause, the trial court concluded that Sturgeon’s challenge was solely a facial challenge, not an as-applied challenge, and that Sturgeon had failed to establish that SO40 was facially invalid under all circumstances. As to Sturgeon’s preemption argument, the trial court concluded SO40 is not preempted by federal immigration authority. Finally, as to Sturgeon’s argument that SO40 violated Penal Code section 834b, the trial court concluded that Penal Code section 834b was itself preempted by federal law. The trial court therefore granted summary judgment in favor of defendants and interveners. Sturgeon appeals. We agree with the trial court’s analysis in all respects, and therefore affirm.
FACTUAL AND PROCEDURAL BACKGROUND
A brief review of the relationship between federal and local authorities with respect to the enforcement of immigration law is helpful to place into context the adoption of SO40. While improper entry into the United States is a misdemeanor (8 U.S.C. § 1325(a)), an alien illegally in the country may also be subjected to removal proceedings before an immigration judge (8 U.S.C. § 1229a). Only the former constitutes a criminal proceeding.
The federal government has the exclusive authority to enforce the civil provisions of federal immigration law relating to issues such as admission, exclusion and deportation of aliens. (Gates v. Superior Court, supra, 193 Cal.App.3d at pp. 214 215.) As such, Congress is prohibited by the Tenth Amendment from passing laws requiring states to administer civil immigration law. (City of New York v. United States (2d Cir. 1999) 179 F.3d 29, 33-35.)
Under federal law, matters of immigration are handled by the Office of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), a branch of the Department of Homeland Security. (Fonseca v. Fong (2008) 167 Cal.App.4th 922, 927.) Authorized ICE officers have powers to enforce federal immigration laws which exceed the powers of state law enforcement officers. Under 8 U.S.C. § 1357(g), the Attorney General of the United States may enter into a written agreement with a State or political subdivision pursuant to which State or local officers may carry out the function of immigration officers, but this requires a voluntary agreement, and the local officer would be subject to the supervision of the Attorney General when performing the functions of an ICE officer. (8 U.S.C. § 1357(g)(3).) Similarly, the Attorney General may authorize local law enforcement officers to perform as ICE officers when a mass influx of aliens requires an immediate response; even then, the Attorney General must act “with the consent of the head of the department, agency, or establishment under whose jurisdiction the individual is serving.” (8 U.S.C. § 1103, subd. (a)(10).)
While the Tenth Amendment shields state and local governments from the federal government requiring them to administer federal civil immigration law, local police are not precluded from enforcing federal criminal statutes. (Gates v. Superior Court, supra, 193 Cal.App.3d at p. 215.) Thus, in theory, local police could arrest for misdemeanor improper entry into the United States. However, in California, a police officer may arrest for a misdemeanor only when that offense is committed in the officer’s presence. (Pen. Code, § 836, subd. (a).) As the misdemeanor offense of improper entry into the United States is complete upon the improper entry itself, no California police officer can arrest for misdemeanor illegal entry once the alien has reached a place of repose. (Gates v. Superior Court, supra, 193 Cal.App.3d at pp. 215 216.) As it is extremely unlikely that an LAPD officer would make contact with an illegal alien during the course of that individual’s illegal entry into the United States, LAPD officers generally cannot arrest aliens for illegal entry into the United States.
As LAPD officers can neither commence deportation proceedings nor arrest aliens for improper entry, they are powerless to take direct action against an individual they believe to be in this country illegally. However, LAPD officers may, “ ‘as a matter of comity and good citizenship,’ ” voluntarily report such individuals to ICE, and it does not constitute improper local enforcement of civil immigration law for them to do so. (Gates v. Superior Court, supra, 193 Cal.App.3d at p. 219.) Many local police agencies, including the LAPD, believe that local law enforcement can best achieve its goal of crime prevention by making it known to the community that local law enforcement officers are unconcerned with immigration violations – thereby encouraging illegal immigrants to come forward with relevant information about crimes without fear of deportation. Thus, while local police officers are permitted under federal law to voluntarily report suspected illegal aliens to ICE, some local entities have chosen to restrict such reporting. (See City of New York v. United States, supra, 179 F.3d at p. 31 32 considering a Mayor’s Executive Order prohibiting city officers from transmitting information regarding immigration status to federal authorities except under specified circumstances.) The LAPD did not do so. Instead, it chose to impose limits on its officers’ ability to investigate the immigration status of aliens with whom they come into contact.
SO40 was promulgated by then-Chief of Police Daryl Gates on November 27, 1979. Special Orders are directives issued by the Chief of Police which amend the LAPD Manual. Although the parties, and, apparently, members of the community, continue to refer to the LAPD’s policy regarding illegal immigrants as “SO40,” the relevant provision is in the LAPD Manual with a different section number. Volume IV, Section 264.50 of the LAPD Manual provides, “ENFORCEMENT OF UNITED STATES IMMIGRATION LAWS. Officers shall not initiate police action where the objective is to discover the alien status of a person. Officers shall neither arrest nor book persons for violation of Title 8, Section 1325 of the United States Immigration Code (Illegal Entry).” Stated broadly, SO40 prevents LAPD officers from commencing investigations directed solely toward uncovering violations of civil immigration laws, and arresting for an immigration misdemeanor which is not committed within their presence.
Sturgeon’s challenge to SO40 is based entirely on a federal statute enacted some 17 years after SO40. In 1996, Congress enacted a statute to protect the voluntary exchange of information with ICE. Section 1373 provides, “Notwithstanding any other provision of Federal, State, or local law, a Federal, State, or local government entity or official may not prohibit, or in any way restrict, any government entity or official from sending to, or receiving from, ICE information regarding the citizenship or immigration status, lawful or unlawful, of any individual.” (Section 1373(a)). The statute also provides that no person or agency may prohibit or restrict a local entity from: (1) sending such information to, or requesting and receiving such information from, ICE; (2) maintaining such information; or (3) exchanging such information with any other government entity. (Section 1373(b).) Finally, the statute requires ICE to respond to any inquiry by a federal, state, or local government agency “seeking to verify or ascertain the citizenship or immigration status of any individual within the jurisdiction of the agency for any purpose authorized by law, by providing the requested verification or status information.” (Section 1373(c).)
On May 1, 2006, Sturgeon brought this action against defendants. Sturgeon had not been personally impacted by the application of SO40; instead, he brought a so called “taxpayer” action to enjoin the enforcement of SO40 as an illegal expenditure of public funds. (Code Civ. Proc., § 526a.) Defendants’ demurrer was overruled, and the interveners were permitted to join the action on behalf of defendants.
Substantial discovery was conducted. The majority of Sturgeon’s discovery consisted of depositions of current and past high-ranking LAPD officers, in order to obtain their opinions on the scope of SO40 and the particular police conduct it prohibits and permits. Sturgeon did not obtain any information regarding any specific instance of the application of SO40. When asked, by special interrogatory, to identify all individuals “who have been prohibited by SO40 from sending to immigration officials information regarding the immigration status of an individual,” Sturgeon objected to the request as “inappropriate to the type of lawsuit brought by Plaintiff, which is a legal challenge to a longstanding policy of the LAPD, and not reasonably calculated to lead to the discovery of admissible evidence.” The same response was given to interrogatories asking for the identity of individuals prohibited by SO40 from receiving information from immigration officials, maintaining immigration information, and exchanging immigration information with any law enforcement agency. Indeed, Sturgeon gave the same response to an interrogatory seeking the identity of law enforcement officers who have complained about the prohibitions or restrictions of SO40.
Thereafter, both defendants and interveners moved for summary judgment. They argued that: (1) Sturgeon brought only a facial challenge to SO40, not an as-applied challenge; (2) SO40 was not facially invalid as it did not violate section 1373 in all circumstances; (3) SO40 was similarly not preempted by federal law; and (4) there can be no conflict with Penal Code section 834b, as that statute had been determined to be preempted by federal immigration law. With respect to the purported conflict with section 1373, defendants and interveners took the position that SO40, on its face, says nothing regarding prohibiting communication with ICE, but only prohibits officers from initiating police action regarding immigration status. In contrast, defendants and interveners argued, section 1373, on its face, says nothing regarding local policies prohibiting the initiation of police action into immigration status, but only invalidates local policies prohibiting contact with ICE.
Sturgeon opposed summary judgment with deposition excerpts, reports, and other evidence regarding the scope of SO40. Sturgeon argued that he was challenging not merely the language of SO40, but the broader way in which in which it had been applied. However, none of Sturgeon’s evidence dealt with a particular application of SO40; instead, Sturgeon focused on the opinions of highly-ranked LAPD officers regarding the meaning of SO40. While we do not disagree with Sturgeon that the proffered interpretations of SO40 were somewhat inconsistent, all of the LAPD witnesses agreed that SO40 prohibits arresting someone for misdemeanor illegal entry, and prohibits initiating an investigation into an individual solely to determine that person’s immigration status. There was some disagreement among the LAPD witnesses regarding whether SO40 also prohibits investigating the immigration of status of an individual already under investigation for something unrelated to immigration status. Moreover, there was some disagreement regarding whether an LAPD officer who happened to discover information indicating that an individual not otherwise under arrest was present in the country illegally could contact ICE. In response to a special interrogatory asking the circumstances under which SO40 prohibits asking ICE regarding a person’s immigration status, defendants responded “SO40 prohibits LAPD from initiating police action with the objective of discovering the alien status of a person. If an individual were to contact ICE for that explicit purpose and for no other, they would be violating SO40.”
The disagreements among the witnesses as to the scope of SO40 are irrelevant, as Sturgeon argued that SO40’s undisputed prohibition on initiating investigations for the sole purpose of determining immigration status was itself a violation of section 1373. Sturgeon argued that preventing officers from obtaining information regarding an individual’s immigration status is a restriction on voluntarily reporting such information to ICE, because a restriction on obtaining information reduces the amount of information which can then be reported. Additionally, Sturgeon argued that a triable issue of fact exists as to whether, in practice, SO40 is interpreted to prevent, at least in some cases, otherwise-permissible voluntary contact with ICE, in violation of section 1373.
The trial court concluded that, as Sturgeon relied on no actual instances of the application of SO40, Sturgeon’s challenge to SO40 was strictly facial. As such, the court denied all requests for judicial notice (and declined to rule on all evidentiary objections) as only the language of SO40 was relevant. Concluding that there was no total and fatal conflict with section 1373, the trial court held that SO40 survived Sturgeon’s facial challenge. The court also concluded that SO40 is not otherwise preempted by federal law, and that since Penal Code section 834b is preempted, SO40’s conflict with that statute is irrelevant. Summary judgment was granted. Judgment was entered in favor of defendants and interveners. Sturgeon filed a timely notice of appeal.
ISSUES ON APPEAL
We first consider whether the trial court erred in determining that Sturgeon brought only a facial, not an as-applied, challenge to SO40; we conclude the trial court did not err. We next conclude that Sturgeon’s facial challenge is insufficient to enjoin the enforcement of SO40 and SO40 is not otherwise preempted by federal immigration law. Finally, we agree that Penal Code section 834b is preempted, and thus cannot pose a challenge to the enforcement of SO40. We therefore will affirm the judgment.
DISCUSSION
1. Standard of Review
“ ‘A defendant is entitled to summary judgment if the record establishes as a matter of law that none of the plaintiff’s asserted causes of action can prevail.’ (Molko v. Holy Spirit Assn. (1988) 46 Cal.3d 1092, 1107.) The pleadings define the issues to be considered on a motion for summary judgment. (Sadlier v. Superior Court (1986) 184 Cal.App.3d 1050, 1055.) As to each claim as framed by the complaint, the defendant must present facts to negate an essential element or to establish a defense. Only then will the burden shift to the plaintiff to demonstrate the existence of a triable, material issue of fact. (AARTS Productions, Inc. v. Crocker National Bank (1986) 179 Cal.App.3d 1061, 1064-1065.)” (Ferrari v. Grand Canyon Dories (1995) 32 Cal.App.4th 248, 252.) “There is a triable issue of material fact if, and only if, the evidence would allow a reasonable trier of fact to find the underlying fact in favor of the party opposing the motion in accordance with the applicable standard of proof.” (Aguilar v. Atlantic Richfield Co. (2001) 25 Cal.4th 826, 850.) We review orders granting or denying a summary judgment motion de novo. (FSR Brokerage, Inc. v. Superior Court (1995) 35 Cal.App.4th 69, 72; Union Bank v. Superior Court (1995) 31 Cal.App.4th 573, 579.) We exercise “an independent assessment of the correctness of the trial court’s ruling, applying the same legal standard as the trial court in determining whether there are any genuine issues of material fact or whether the moving party is entitled to judgment as a matter of law.” (Iverson v. Muroc Unified School Dist. (1995) 32 Cal.App.4th 218, 222.)
2. Facial and As-Applied Challenges
Sturgeon contends SO40 violates the supremacy clause because it is impermissible under section 1373. A constitutional challenge to a statute, ordinance or policy may be facial or as-applied. “A facial challenge to the constitutional validity of a statute or ordinance considers only the text of the measure itself, not its application to the particular circumstances of an individual. Citation. ‘ “To support a determination of facial unconstitutionality, voiding the statute as a whole, those challenging the statute or ordinance cannot prevail by suggesting that in some future hypothetical situation constitutional problems may possibly arise as to the particular application of the statute . . . . Rather, the challengers must demonstrate that the act’s provisions inevitably pose a present total and fatal conflict with applicable constitutional prohibitions.” ’ ” (Tobe v. City of Santa Ana (1995) 9 Cal.4th 1069, 1084; American Civil Rights Foundation v. Berkeley Unified School Dist. (2009) 172 Cal.App.4th 207, 216.) Under a facial challenge, the fact that the statute “ ‘might operate unconstitutionally under some conceivable set of circumstances is insufficient to render it wholly invalid . . . .’ ” (Sanchez v. City of Modesto (2006) 145 Cal.App.4th 660, 679.)
“An as applied challenge may seek (1) relief from a specific application of a facially valid statute or ordinance to an individual or class of individuals who are under allegedly impermissible present restraint or disability as a result of the manner or circumstances in which the statute or ordinance has been applied, or (2) an injunction against future application of the statute or ordinance in the allegedly impermissible manner it is shown to have been applied in the past. It contemplates analysis of the facts of a particular case or cases to determine the circumstances in which the statute or ordinance has been applied and to consider whether in those particular circumstances the application deprived the individual to whom it was applied of a protected right.” (Tobe v. City of Santa Ana, supra, 9 Cal.4th at p. 1084) “If a plaintiff seeks to enjoin future, allegedly impermissible, types of applications of a facially valid statute or ordinance, the plaintiff must demonstrate that such application is occurring or has occurred in the past.” (Ibid.)
On appeal, Sturgeon argues that the facial/as-applied distinction applies only to challenges to statutes and ordinances, not policies or practices. Sturgeon fails to cite any authority which has held that this distinction does not apply to policies or practices. Instead, he bases his argument on the premise that statutes and ordinances are accorded a presumption of validity which does not apply to mere policies or practices, and he notes the existence of several cases in which policies or practices were challenged without the court determining whether the challenge was facial or as applied. (E.g., White v. Davis (1975) 13 Cal.3d 757.) We are not persuaded. When a duly authorized policy is challenged as unconstitutional, recent authority has, in fact, considered whether the challenge is facial, and has accorded the policy the same deference accorded a facially-challenged statute or regulation. (American Civil Rights Foundation v. Berkeley Unified School Dist. (2009) 172 Cal.App.4th 207, 216 the challenger must establish that no set of circumstances exists under which the policy would be valid.)
We therefore consider whether Sturgeon’s challenge to SO40 is facial or as applied. Indisputably, it is facial only. An as-applied challenge depends on the existence of previous, or current, instances of unconstitutional applications. Sturgeon relies on no applications of SO40. He cites to no instances in which an officer was disciplined for violating SO40, and even asserted that the discovery of such instances would be “inappropriate to the type of lawsuit” he brought. Nor can Sturgeon identify an instance in which an officer wanted to contact ICE or question an individual regarding immigration but failed to do so because of a belief that such contact or inquiry would be barred by SO40. In the absence of any specific applications of the policy, Sturgeon’s challenge is necessarily facial only.
Sturgeon suggests that he has presented evidence of the way SO40 is applied by means of the deposition testimony of high-ranking LAPD officers as to their opinion of the meaning of SO40. We disagree. There is no evidence that the deposition testimony of these officers was anything more than their opinion of how SO40 might be applied in hypothetical situations. There was no evidence that these officers ever: (1) actually applied SO40 in the manner in which they testified; (2) disciplined a subordinate for violating their interpretation of SO40; or even (3) directed subordinates to act in accordance with their interpretation of SO40.
The most persuasive evidence Sturgeon has of the way in which SO40 is applied is defendants’ interrogatory answer that “SO40 prohibits LAPD from initiating police action with the objective of discovering the alien status of a person. If an individual were to contact ICE for that explicit purpose and for no other, they would be violating SO40.” Yet this language, too, is couched in hypothetical language beginning, “If an individual were to contact ICE . . . .” There is no evidence that an LAPD officer ever wanted to voluntary contact ICE for these purposes, but was deterred from doing so by SO40. With no evidence that officers actually were prohibited from voluntarily contacting ICE for the sole purpose of discovering immigration status, Sturgeon’s challenge to SO40’s constitutionality cannot be characterized as an as-applied challenge.
3. SO40 Survives a Facial Challenge
To succeed at his facial challenge, Sturgeon must establish that SO40’s provisions inevitably pose a present total and fatal conflict with section 1373; a mere hypothetical conflict is insufficient.
“In interpreting a statute, we apply the usual rules of statutory construction. ‘We begin with the fundamental rule that our primary task is to determine the lawmakers’ intent. Citation. . . . To determine intent, “ ‘The court turns first to the words themselves for the answer.’ ” Citations. “If the language is clear and unambiguous there is no need for construction, nor is it necessary to resort to indicia of the intent of the Legislature (in the case of a statute) . . . .” ’ Citation. We give the language of the statute its ‘usual, ordinary import and accord significance, if possible, to every word, phrase and sentence in pursuance of the legislative purpose. A construction making some words surplusage is to be avoided.’ ” (Kane v. Hurley (1994) 30 Cal.App.4th 859, 862.)
The text of SO40 provides: “Officers shall not initiate police action where the objective is to discover the alien status of a person. Officers shall neither arrest nor book persons for violation of Title 8, Section 1325 of the United States Immigration Code (Illegal Entry).” The text of section 1373(a) states: “Notwithstanding any other provision of Federal, State, or local law, a Federal, State, or local government entity or official may not prohibit, or in any way restrict, any government entity or official from sending to, or receiving from, ICE information regarding the citizenship or immigration status, lawful or unlawful, of any individual.” Consideration of both of these provisions demonstrates that there is no total and fatal conflict.
SO40 does not address communication with ICE; it addresses only the initiation of police action and arrests for illegal entry. Section 1373(a) does not address the initiation of police action or arrests for illegal entry; it addresses only communications with ICE. Sturgeon argues a total and fatal conflict exists, because the language of section 1373(a) which prohibits local entities from “restricting in any way” the sending of information to ICE should be read to strike down local prohibitions on obtaining information that might later be sent to ICE. We disagree. Section 1373(b) prohibits local entities from restricting government entities from maintaining immigration information and exchanging such information with any other entity. Clearly, if Congress had wanted to prohibit restrictions on local entities obtaining such information, it could have expressly so legislated. Moreover, if “restricting in any way” communications with ICE is read to include obtaining information to give ICE, there would be no need for section 1373(b) to specifically permit local entities to maintain immigration information and exchange it with other governmental entities as, clearly, maintaining such information and obtaining it from other governmental entities makes the information available to be transmitted to ICE. In short, Sturgeon’s strained interpretation of section 1373 finds no support in the language of the statute, and, in fact, would render provisions of the statute nugatory. We therefore reject it.
4. SO40 Is Not Preempted
Sturgeon next argues that even if SO40 is not unconstitutionally invalid because of a conflict with section 1373, SO40 is preempted by section 1373. Sturgeon does not argue that SO40 is preempted by any other federal law or federal immigration legislation generally. He simply argues that the perceived overlap between SO40 and section 1373 results in the latter preempting the former. Recharacterizing his argument as sounding in preemption is of little advantage to Sturgeon, for the result is the same. We will not strike down SO40 as preempted when there exists only the hypothetical possibility that it may be applied contrary to the terms of section 1373.
“There is ordinarily a ‘strong presumption’ against preemption. Citations. ‘Consideration of issues arising under the supremacy clause “starts with the assumption that the historic police powers of the States are not to be superseded by . . . Federal Act unless that is the clear and manifest purpose of Congress.” Citation. Accordingly, “ ‘the purpose of Congress is the ultimate touchstone’ ” of pre-emption analysis. Citation.’ Citation. However, when the state regulates in an area where there has been a history of significant federal presence the ‘ “assumption” of nonpre emption is not triggered . . . . ’ Citation.” (Fonseca v. Fong, supra, 167 Cal.App.4th at p. 930.)
The power to regulate immigration is unquestionably exclusively a federal power. (Ibid.) However, it does not follow that all state regulations touching on aliens are preempted. “Only if the state statute is in fact a ‘regulation of immigration,’ i.e., ‘a determination of who should or should not be admitted into the country, and the conditions under which a legal entrant may remain’ citation, is preemption structural and automatic. Otherwise, the usual rules of statutory preemption analysis apply; state law will be displaced only when affirmative congressional action compels the conclusion it must be.” (In re Jose C. (2009) 45 Cal.4th 534, 550.) As SO40 is a regulation of police conduct and not a regulation of immigration, there is no structural preemption and the assumption of non-preemption applies.
Sturgeon contends SO40 is preempted by federal law, as it conflicts with the intent of Congress in enacting section 1373 and stands as an obstacle to the accomplishment of that intention. Obstacle preemption arises when a state statute or regulation “ ‘ “stands as an obstacle to the accomplishment and execution of the full purposes and objectives of Congress.” ’ ” (In re Jose C., supra, 45 Cal.4th at p. 551.) It cannot seriously be disputed that Congress’s objective in enacting section 1373 was to eliminate any restrictions on the voluntary flow of immigration information between state and local officials and ICE; indeed, the express language of section 1373 does just that. Nonetheless, we do not conclude SO40 is preempted for the same reason we did not conclude that it was unconstitutional: as a general rule, enforcement of SO40 has no effect on the voluntary flow of immigration information between LAPD officers and ICE. SO40 addresses only the initiation of investigations (and a prohibition on misdemeanor arrests); it does not, by its terms, restrict LAPD officers from voluntarily contacting ICE. Without any indication that SO40 is actually interpreted to conflict with section 1373, we will not find preemption based only on a hypothetical situation. (Solorzano v. Superior Court (1992) 10 Cal.App.4th 1135, 1148 stating “mere speculation about a hypothetical conflict is not the stuff of which preemption is made”.)
5. Penal Code 834b Creates No Bar to SO40, as it is Preempted
Sturgeon’s final argument is that SO40 violates Penal Code section 834b. That Penal Code section was enacted by Proposition 187, and governs law enforcement cooperation with ICE. It provides that every law enforcement agency in California “shall fully cooperate” with ICE “regarding any person who is arrested if he or she is suspected of being present in the United States in violation of federal immigration laws.” (Pen. Code, § 834b, subd. (a).) With respect to any such person, the statute requires that law enforcement “attempt to verify the legal status of such person” as a citizen, lawful permanent resident, lawful temporary resident, or alien present in violation of immigration laws. (Pen. Code, § 834b, subd. (b)(1).) If it appears that the person falls into the latter category, law enforcement is required to notify the person of his or her apparent illegal status “and inform him or her that, apart from any criminal justice proceedings, he or she must either obtain legal status or leave the United States.” (Pen. Code, § 834b, subd. (b)(2).) Law enforcement is also required to notify the California Attorney General and ICE of the apparent illegal status of the arrestee. (Pen. Code, § 834b, subd. (b)(3).) Penal Code section 834b, subdivision (c) expressly provides: “Any legislative, administrative, or other action by a city, county, or other legally authorized local governmental entity with jurisdictional boundaries, or by a law enforcement agency, to prevent or limit the cooperation required by subdivision (a) is expressly prohibited.”
In 1995, shortly after the voters adopted Proposition 187, the United States District Court for the Central District of California concluded that Penal Code section 834b, in its entirety, was preempted as an impermissible regulation of immigration. (League of United Latin American Citizens v. Wilson, supra, 908 F.Supp. at p. 771.) This conclusion has been acknowledged in California courts. (Fonseca v. Fong, supra, 167 Cal.App.4th 922, 933-935.)
The district court’s opinion that Penal Code section 834b was preempted predated Congress’s 1996 enactment of section 1373. Sturgeon argues that section 1373 undermines the district court’s finding of preemption, because section 1373 encourages cooperation between local police and ICE. We disagree. “A state law invading an area reserved exclusively to the federal government under the Constitution cannot be saved by a congressional enactment.” (Fonseca v. Fong, supra, 167 Cal.App.4th at p. 928, fn. 7.) Penal Code section 834b was preempted as an impermissible regulation of immigration; an intervening congressional enactment cannot save it. As Penal Code section 834b is preempted by federal law, any perceived conflict with SO40 is irrelevant.
DISPOSITION
The judgment is affirmed. Defendants and interveners shall recover their costs on appeal.
CERTIFIED FOR PUBLICATION
CROSKEY, J.
WE CONCUR:
KLEIN, P. J.
KITCHING, J.
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